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Studies in Contemporary Arabic Literature — III

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Extract

The period 1914–1919, though one of relative quiescence, marks a turning-point in the development of modern Arabic literature, but, in spite of the coincidence of dates, the European war was not responsible, either directly or indirectly, for initiating the change. The new element by which the change was brought about was the rise of a distinctive Egyptian school of writers, which, from small beginnings in the years immediately preceding the war, gathered strength in the interval, and emerged into sudden prominence on the resumption of literary activities. To understand the significance of this movement we must look back for a moment at the situation as it was about 1912. At that time, as has been seen, there was a sharp opposition between two contrasting schools of thought in Arabic letters; on the one hand were the modernists, almost all Syrians, and Christian Syrians at that, headed by the new Syro-American school; on the other were the classicists, who still clung to the medieval Islamic tradition, and who were dominant in Egypt and in Muslim Syria. Between the two extremes were varying intermediate grades, including several writers who individually exercised considerable influence, but did not form a body sufficiently united in method or aim to counterbalance either of the opposing schools.

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Papers Contributed
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1929

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References

page 446 note 1 BSOS., 5, pp. 311–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

page 446 note 2 Not only amongst Muslim traditionists; the organ of the Jesuit Fathers, al- Machriq, repeatedly indulged in violent diatribes against them from the pen of the late Pére Cheikho, e.g. against Jibrān 1912, 315–16; 1923, 487–93; 1924, 555; against Rayhānī 1909, 716–18; 1910, 389–92, 703–10; 1922, 746; 1924, 478–9, 623–9, 755–7.

page 446 note 3 Die Literatur der Arabischen Emigranten in Amerika, 21 (1927), 193213Google Scholar; see also on Jibrān, Rayḥānī, ‘Abd al-Masțh HaddādGoogle Scholar (the editor of the New York Arabic journal Al-Suyeh [as-Sā'iḥ]) and Mikhā'il Na'țma, his introduction to the Chrestomathy of modern Arabic Literature (Obraztsy Novo-arabskoi Literatury, Leningrad, 1928), pp. 1518Google Scholar. Professor Kampffmeyer, has rendered a valuable service by publishing a German translation of this preface in MSOS., 31 (1928), pp. 18099Google Scholar; the passage referred to is on pp. 191–4. Here also attention may be called to the German translation of an introductory study by Professor Kratchkowsky referred to in a former article in this series (BSOS., 4, 747 note),Google Scholar published by Professor Kampffmeyer, under the title of “ Entstehung und Entwicklung der neu-arabischen Literatur ” in Die Welt des Islams, 11 (1928), 189–99.Google Scholar A summary of other studies by Professor Kampffmeyer on the work of Amīn ar-Ray1E25;āni is contained in the same issue, pp. 179–80.

page 446 note 4 The last of the late Père Cheikho's articles on modern Arabic literature (al- Machriq, 25 (1927), pp. 941–9Google Scholar) contains a list of contemporary Muslim'poets and prosewriters, but shows an unusual number of inaccuracies in detail.

page 447 note 1 On the Egyptian University, see al-Machriq, 26 (1928), pp. 284–8.Google Scholar

page 448 note 1 Ar-Rayḥānī, who was resident in Arabia and Syria during this period, forms of course, an exception.

page 449 note 1 Syrian writers sometimes refer to it, with a touch of half-humorous deprecation, as a kind of modern (“ Egyptology ” !).

page 450 note 1 An interesting counter-movement to this tendency is furnished by the formation (in 1922) of the “ Oriental League ” (), which aims at strengthening the links between all the peoples of Asia and Africa in the face of European aggression, and at present yokes many of the modernist writers discussed below in a somewhat uneasy fellowship with “ moderates ” and “ conservatives ”. Since 1928 the League has issued a journal under the same title, edited by Ahmad Shafțq Pāshā, the general tone of which is hitherto pronouncedly “ modernist ”.

page 450 note 2 In sketching the careers of the writers mentioned in this article, I have had to rely almost entirely on the indications contained in their own publications.

page 450 note 3 Garīdah press, n.d. A second edition was published in 1929; of this I have not yet seen a copy.

page 450 note 4 I have not seen a copy of this book.

page 450 note 5 ‘Aṣrīyah press, n.d. [1925]. See an analysis of the contents of this book in MSOS., 29 2 (1929), 242–4Google Scholar.

page 450 note 6 ‘Aṣrīyah press, 1927.

page 450 note 7 The daily Siassa (as the name is spelt on the cover) is an ordinary newspaper of six or eight pages. The weekly Siassa, on the other hand, is a literary review, generally of 28 pages, about 2,000 words to the page, containing articles of literary, social, legal, historical, or other interest, translations of foreign articles, reviews of literature, art, and drama, essays, and short stories. Since the political coup d'état in 1928, the articles on internal politics have been discontinued.

page 451 note 1 As-Siassa (weekly ed.), 13th 08, 1927, p. 11, cols. 1–2. The period referred to is about 1912. In the issue of 23rd 07, 1927, p. 10, col. 2, the same idea is more fully expressed in the present tense:- (The last words are a quotation from Qāsim Amțn.) Farther on in the same article (col. 4) he extends this demand for modernization to the syntactical construction of the sentence, which requires to be adjusted to meet modern methods of reasoning and feeling.Google Scholar

page 451 note 2 See, for example, his description of a sunset: pp. 252–4. In this, he holds, is the true purpose of the study of classical Arabic literature: as-Siassa (weekly ed.), 1st 06, 1929, p. 3.Google Scholar

page 451 note 3 207.

page 452 note 1 al-Fuṣūl (see below, p. 461, n. 2), 121Google Scholar.

page 452 note 2 See an article by Haykal, Dr. in the journal al-Ḥadīth of Aleppo, vol. 2 (1928), No. 1, p. 45.Google Scholar

page 452 note 3 20.

page 452 note 4 Ibid., 372.

page 452 note 5 Ibid., 101.

page 452 note 6 Ibid., 376.

page 452 note 7 Ibid., 372–4.

page 453 note 1 See, for example, his invitation to establish a Pan-Arab congress in as-Siassa (weekly ed.), 8th 12, 1928, p. 6Google Scholar.

page 453 note 2 363.

page 453 note 3 He totally scouts, however, the idea expressed by some writers of advanced modernist views (e.g.by Yūsuf, Niqfūlāin as-Siassa (weekly ed.), 2nd 02, 1929, p. 13Google Scholar), that the germ of the future Egyptian literature is to be found in the poetry and songs of the people.

page 453 note 4 As-Siassa (weekly edition), 25th 06, 1927, p. 10, col. 1; cf. p. 372.Google Scholar It is fully in conformity with this feeling that he should regard the Arabs as foreign invaders of Egypt, much as the average Englishman looks upon the Romans in England (see the article cited in the following note). The same idea animates a group of younger writers who are beginning to advocate the recognition of “ Pharaonic literature ” as the only true basis of a national Egyptian literature.

page 453 note 5 Ibid., 360–1. The argument for a chair of Egyptian studies is developed more fully in as-Siassa (weekly edition), 22nd 12, 1928, pp. 56Google Scholar.

page 454 note 1 Hilāl Press, 1915, reprinted 1922.

page 454 note 2 seen pp. 3–4.

page 454 note 3 Subsequently translated into Arabic by another hand: tr. ‘Abdallah’ Inān, together with a translation of an article on Ibn Khaldūn by Wesendonk, von. I'timād press, 1343⁄1925.Google Scholar

page 455 note 1 see BSOS., 4, p. 751Google Scholar; MSOS., 31 2, p. 188Google Scholar; Mijallah al-Majma‘ al-‘Ilmī, 5 (1925), pp. 249–52.Google Scholar

page 455 note 2 The following comment represents, in spite of its extreme partisan character, the view of conservative opinion:Â- (Manār, 27 (1345), p. 397).Google Scholar

page 456 note 1 (1) (Introductions to Aeschylus and Sophocles, with extracts in translation). Tijārīyah press, pp. 225. 1920.Google Scholar

page 456 note 1 (2)(Translation of Aristotle's Athenian Constitution, with an introduction). Hilāl press, pp. 163. 1921.Google Scholar

page 456 note 1 (3)(Sketches of Greek and Roman thinkers, reprinted from al-Hilal). Hilāl press, pp. 132. 1925.Google Scholar

page 456 note 2 Ṣuḥuf Mukhtārah, p. 9Google Scholar.

page 456 note 3 Govt. press, 2 vols., 1924Google Scholar (Sarkīs, J. E.,Bulletin Bibliographique, 1920–1926, No. 562Google Scholar). See also Haykal, , Fī awqāt al-farāgh pp. 157–63.Google Scholar

page 457 note 1 (so called, because originally published in as-Siyāsah on Wednesdays); 1st series, Tijārīyah press, pp. 326, n.d. [1925]Google Scholar; 2nd series, Govt. press, pp. 150. 1344⁄1926Google Scholar; critique by Kurd, M.Al īn Mijallah al-Majma' al-‘Ilmī (Damascus), 5 (1925), pp. 147Google Scholar ff. The reader will note the reminiscence of the Causeries du Lundi in the title.

page 457 note 2 Govt. press, pp. 183. 1344⁄1926.Google Scholar The book was not sequestrated, but the issue was bought in and withdrawn from circulation. See on this book Lammens, , L'Islam (Beyrouth, 1926), pp.242–3Google Scholar; English trans, by Ross, E. D. Sir (London, 1929), pp. 223–4.Google Scholar

page 457 note 3 It should be borne in mind that the Egyptians had taken over the French view of university professors as salaried servants of the State.

page 457 note 4 Published by the I'timād press, pp. 376. 1345⁄1927.Google Scholar Reviewed by Professor Margoliouth, in JRAS. 1927, 902–4.Google Scholar Both these works have provoked a whole series of rejoinders by writers of the conservative school. An interesting discussion of the issues involved will be found in al-Machriq, 26 (1928), 195 ff., and 27 (1929), 434 ff.Google Scholar

page 458 note 5 It is for this reason, of course, thāt Dr. Ṭaha Ḥusayn is the object of the most bitter attacks in conservative and reactionary circles. As a specimen of the outrageous criticism and slander to which he is subjected, the following passages from al-Mandr (27 (1345), pp. 387–8Google Scholar), apropos of Fi’l-Adab al-Jāhilī, may be quoted here, with apologies to him for reproducing such odious—and at the same time ludicrous— personalities:— The student will note an interesting example of the survival of traditional methods of Arabic historiography in the last sentence !

page 458 note 6 Tijārīyah press, 1924.Google Scholar The series published in al-Hadīth, vol. 1 (Aleppo, 1927), is also of interest.Google Scholar

page 458 note 7 Hilāl press, 1922.Google Scholar

page 458 note 8 Published in al-Hilāl between 12, 1926, and 07, 1927.Google Scholar I hope to deal more fully with this and with Haykal's, Dr. novel Zaynab in a later article.Google Scholar

page 459 note 1 Dr. Dayf is joint-author of two remarkable novels of Egyptian life published in French, entitled Mansour and El-Azhar. On his study of Spanish-Arabic literature see MSOS., 29, 240–1.Google Scholar

page 459 note 2 He is a brother of ‘Alī ‘Abd ar-Rāziq, whose book on Islām and the Principles of Government —on which see Lammens, L’Islam, pp. 121–2 ═ English trans., pp. 109‘10’created such a sensation in Egypt in 1925.

page 459 note 3 Modern Egypt, vol. 2, p. 236. (One volume ed., p. 643.)Google Scholar

page 460 note 1 Cf. MSOS., 29, 257.Google Scholar

page 460 note 2 e.g. Ṣabrī, Muhammad, (Govt. press, 1927), pp. 296300.Google Scholar

page 460 note 3 For the early productions of al-‘Aqqād see Sarkis, , Dict. Encyc. de Bibliographie Arabe, col. 1347; for al-MāzinīGoogle Scholar, Ibid., col. 1608 (where the date 1323 given for his Dīwān is an error for 1333; the edition itself is undated). Al-‘Aqqad's, Diwan was republished by the Muqtataf press, 1928; his introduction to al-Māzinī's Dīwān is reprinted in , pp. 274–89.Google Scholar

page 461 note 1 Ten parts were planned, but only two appear to have been issued.

page 461 note 2 (1)Al-‘Aqqād:. Sa‘ādah press, pp. 296. 1922⁄1341.Google Scholar (Summary of contents in MS0S., 29 2 (1926), p. 242.)Google Scholar (2) Tijārīyah press, pp. 310. 1924⁄1343.Google Scholar (3).‘Aṣrīyah press, pp. 276, n.d. [1926].Google Scholar (Summary of contents in MSOS., Ibid., pp.241–2; review by Kurd, M.Alī in Mijallah, etc., 6 (1926), pp. 334–5.Google Scholar

page 461 note 2 (1)Al-‘Aqqād: ‘Aṣrīyah press, pp. 473, n.d. [1925].Google Scholar (2) ‘Aṣrīyah press, pp. 222, n.d. [1928].Google Scholar

page 461 note 3 This is to be taken as a general statement, of course; in specific essays here and there al-‘Aqqād may appear more radical than Dr. Haykal.

page 461 note 4 On ‘Aqqād see also Professor Kratchkowsky's, Introduction, 1819Google Scholar (═MSOS., 31 2, 194Google Scholar).

page 462 note 1 For this reason he protests against the prominence given to the ideas of Anatole France by writers of the French school (, 232 ff.). The principal weakness which he discerns in the Egyptian character is frivolity and lack of seriousness, and it is perhaps symptomatic of his English background that the remedy which he proposes for this weakness should be real play—exercise of the body as well as of the mind (Ibid., 272–3).

page 462 note 2 pp. 54–7.

page 462 note 3 e.g. 48–89.

page 462 note 4 Ibid.,

page 462 note 5 1–9; cf.22.

page 462 note 6 227. This, of course, is aimed at the conservative school.

page 462 note 7 90–9.

page 463 note 1 229–30.

page 463 note 2 Cf. his criticism of Jibran, not only for his language, however, but also for the poverty of his ideas, though he admits the poatic insight of some passages (al-Fuṣul, 46–9Google Scholar).

page 463 note 3 100–8.See also his analysis of modern Arabic literary movements in his letter of acceptance of membership of the Arab Academy; Mijallah, etc., 6 (1926), pp. 548–50.Google Scholar

page 463 note 4 A study of Ibn ar-Rūmī written in 1913–14, reprinted in pp. 298–346.

page 463 note 5 (see above, p. 461, n. 2). The greater part is devoted to a criticism of Dr. Ṭāhā Ḥusayn's and

page 464 note 1 He has spoken of this possibility in as-Siasm (weekly ed.), 27th 04, 1929, p.5.Google Scholar

page 464 note 2 249–59.

page 464 note 3 Translated by Ḥasan, Aḥmadaz-Zayyāt, with an introduction by Ḥusayn, Ṭāhā Dr. 1342⁄1924.Google Scholar See on this, and on other translations from the French by az-Zayyāt, MSOS., 29 2, 248.Google Scholar

page 464 note 4 For his earlier works see Sarkīs, , Diet. Enc., col. 1038.Google Scholar The first exponent of the Darwinian theory in Arabic was the Syrian, Shumayl, Shiblī Dr.(Shumayyil), on whom see al-Machriq, 1926, p. 526Google Scholar; for his writings, Sarkīs, cols. 1144–5. His work met with very little response in Egypt, and it has fallen to his disciple Salāmah Mūsā to prosecute it with more success. Needless to say, the theory of evolution is still very gingerly handled in ultra-conservative circles.

page 465 note 1 (1)‘Aṣrīyah press, n.d. [1924].Google Scholar (2)Hilāl press, 1926.Google Scholar (3)‘Aṣrīyah press, n.d. [1927].Google Scholar I have not seen a copy of this book. There is a violent criticism of it by Cheikho in al-Machriq, 25 (1927), p. 957.Google Scholar

page 465 note 2 pp. 98–103.

page 465 note 3 “ For each look backwards we must look forward twice ”: Ibid., 51.

page 465 note 4 See his articles in al-Hadith, vol. 2, 32–4,Google Scholar and in ar-Rābilah ash-Sharqīyah, vol. 1, No. 2 (12. 1928), 4650.Google Scholar

page 465 note 5 p.8.

page 465 note 6 See his article on the literary use of Egyptian colloquial terms in al-Hilāl, 07, 1926Google Scholar.