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⁴ An early account of these developments was provided by Epstein, Leon D., Political Parties in Western Democracies (London: Pall Mall, 1967)Google Scholar. A decade or so later, when writing a new introduction to this classic study, Epstein expressed the view that the impact of these changes on European parties may have been rather less than he had suggested originally.

⁵ A capital-intensive party is one which relies on linkage to potential voters by methods which do not involve personal contact or the extensive use of human labour. Computer-generated direct mail, television advertisements and the utilization of opinion polls are all examples of this kind of linkage.

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¹⁴ In the case of blood donations, donors and receivers do not know who the other is, although normally the receiver will know he or she has received blood, and in Britain at least, would probably be aware that blood would have been donated (and not sold) by someone. The classic study of the interaction of gifts and exchanges in relation to blood is Titmuss, Richard, The Gift Relationship (London: Allen and Unwin, 1970).Google Scholar

¹⁵ Nor is this the only ‘intermediate’ form as Heath's analysis of presents and favours indicates; Heath, Anthony, Rational Choice and Social Exchange (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 145–51.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Most usually what is done with a gift does matter. Thus Heath argues that Titmuss's account of blood donation is wrong in conceiving it as a ‘free gift’: ‘While the recipient may not have to make a return, he is nevertheless not free to do with the donation whatever he pleases. It does not belong to him in quite the same way that goods purchased in a cash transaction are the buyer's’ (Heath, , Rational Choice and Social Exchange, p. 153).Google Scholar

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²² For example, see Wilson's, James Q. account of club politics, The Amateur Democrat (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962)Google Scholar. In fact, solidaristic incentives seem to have been important in the growth of the club movement; see Ware, , The Breakdown of Democratic Party Organization, p. 77.Google Scholar

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²⁴ Sometimes alcoholic drinks were less important in recruiting members than more ‘wholesome’ activities. As Pugh notes of the Primrose Leagues, their reputation is more accurately based on tea-and-buns than on beer-and-skittles; Pugh, Martin, The Tories and the People (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), p. 32.Google Scholar

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³¹ There were some exceptions – the Italian Communist party, for example, continued to provide well-attended summer camps and festivals long after most other parties in Western Europe had been unable to sustain popular interest in socializing with fellow party members.

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³⁴ On the extensive role of patronage in Canadian party politics (at the federal level) before this, see Stewart, Gordon T., The Origins of Canadian Politics (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986).Google Scholar

³⁵ However, arguably, the 1988 general election, in which the ‘free trade’ issue was prominent, constituted an important exception to the lack of significant policy differences between the Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives.

³⁶ Galipeau, Claude, ‘Political Parties, Interest Groups, and New Social Movements: Toward New Representation?’, in Gagnon, Alan G. and Tanguay, A. Brian, eds, Canadian Parties in Transition (Scarborough, Ont.: Nelson, 1989), p. 416.Google Scholar

³⁷ Until recently the major parties were not actively involved in Canadian municipal elections – the main exceptions being the early efforts of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation to elect councillors in some of the western cities; Tindal, C. R. and Tindal, S. Nobes, Local Government in Canada, 2nd edn (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1984), p. 153.Google Scholar

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⁴² Moreover, in organizations which do not have a permanent existence, there is the further problem that there is no mechanism for segregating into different activities those who do not adjust well to each other. This point emerged in an in-depth study of a constituency campaign in Britain; Holt, Robert T. and Turner, John E., Political Parties in Action (New York: Free Press, 1968), p. 131.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ The Reagan Administration adopted a similar strategy. It placed political appointees in some positions in the administration which had previously been occupied by career civil servants.