¹ See Baldwin, Peter, Contagion and the State in Europe, 1830–1930 (Cambridge, UK, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosen, George, History of Public Health (Baltimore, 1993)Google Scholar; de Swaan, Abram, In Care of the State: Health Care, Education, and Welfare in Europe and the USA in the Modern Era (New York, 1988)Google Scholar. For the centrality of sexuality and reproduction to the welfare state, see Koven, Seth and Michel, Soya, eds., Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and The Origins of the Welfare State (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Gruber, Helmut and Graves, Pamela M., eds., Women and Socialism, Socialism and Women: Europe Between the Two World Wars (New York, 1998)Google Scholar; Bock, Gisela and Thane, Pat, Maternity and Gender Policies: Women and the Rise of the European Welfare States, 1880s–1950s (London, 1991)Google Scholar; Dickinson, Edward Ross, The Politics of German Child Welfare from the Empire to the Federal Republic (Cambridge, MA, 1996)Google Scholar.

² A notable exception is Paul Weindling, whose sustained work on eugenics in the Weimar Republic offers a much darker reading of pre-1933 developments. See, for example, Weindling, Paul, Health, Race, and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945 (Cambridge, UK, 1989)Google Scholar; Weindling, Paul, “Eugenics and the Welfare State during the Weimar Republic,” in State, Social Policy and Social Change in Germany, 1880–1994, ed. Lee, W. R. and Rosenhaft, Eve (Oxford, 1997), 134–63Google Scholar; Weindling, Paul, “Die Verbreitung rassenhygienischen/eugenicschen gedankenguts in bürgerlichen und sozialistischen Kreisen in der Weimarer Republik,” Medizinhistorisches Journal 22 (1987): 352–68Google Scholar.

³ This trend is richest in women's history. See Grossmann, Atina, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920–1950 (Oxford, 1995)Google Scholar; Herlitzius, Anette, Frauenbefreiung und Rassenideology: Rassenhygiene und Eugenik im politischen Programm der “Radikalen Frauenbewegung,” 1900–1933 (Wiesbaden, Germany, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dickinson, Edward Ross, “Reflections on Feminism and Monism in the Kaiserreich,” in Central European History, 34 no. 2 (2001): 191–230CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Allen, Ann Taylor, Motherhood and Feminism in Germany, 1870–1914 (New Brunswick, NJ, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁴ Two biographies exist for Tandler. The first is a remembrance of his work by two medical colleagues, published in 1945; the second is Karl Sablik's exhaustive 1983 reconstruction of Tandler's life and work. Sablik drew on scattered journals kept by Tandler, as well as interviews and oral histories taken from contemporaries. I have relied on the many speeches and reports of Tandler's that Sablik reprints. See Goetzl, Alfred and Reynolds, Ralph Arthur, Julius Tandler, A Biography (San Francisco, 1944)Google Scholar; Sablik, Karl, Julius Tandler: Mediziner und Sozialreformer (Vienna, 1983)Google Scholar.

⁵ Gruber, Helmut, Red Vienna: Experiment in Working-Class Culture, 1919–1934 (New York, 1991), 160Google Scholar.

⁶ See Schwartz, Michael, Sozialistische Eugenik. Eugenische Sozialtechnologien in Debatten und Politik der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 1890–1933 (Bonn, 1995)Google Scholar; Peukert, Detlev J.K., The Weimar Republic: The Crisis of Classical Modernity (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Weindling, “Eugenics and the Welfare State during the Weimar Republic,” in Lee and Rosenhaft, eds., State, Social Policy and Social Change in Germany; Weindling, “Die Verbreitung rassenhygienischen/eugenischen Gedankenguts,” Medizinhistorisches Journal. For the development of eugenic social policy throughout the Weimar period, see Weingart, Peter, “The Rationalization of Sexual Behavior: The Institutionalization of Eugenic Thought in Germany,” Journal of the History of Biology 20/2 (Summer 1987), 159–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Weindling, “Die Verbreitung rassenhygienischen/eugenischen Gedankenguts,” Medizinhistorisches Journal, 354.

⁸ An extensive historiography exists for eugenics. Most researchers continue to use the conceptual definitions established in Kevles, Daniel, In the Name of Eugenics: Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity (New York, 1985)Google Scholar. In addition to the works cited throughout this paper, I have found the following studies useful: Stern, Alexandra, Eugenic Nation: Faults and Frontiers of Better Breeding in Modern America (Berkeley, 2005)Google Scholar; Weikart, Richard, From Darwin to Hitler: Evolutionary Ethics, Eugenics, and Racism in Germany (New York, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Propping, Peter and Schott, Heinz, eds., Wissenschaft auf Irrwegung. Biologismus—Rassenhygiene—Eugenik. (Bonn,1992)Google Scholar; Stepan, Nancy Leys, “The Hour of Eugenics”: Race, Gender, and Nation in Latin America (Ithaca, NY, 1991)Google Scholar; Weingart, Peter, Kroll, Jürgen, and Bayertz, Kurt. eds., Rasse, Blut, und Gene: Geschichte der Eugenik und Rassenhygiene in Deutschland (Frankfurt, 1988)Google Scholar; Gabriel, Heinz Eberhard and Neugebauer, Wolfgang, eds., Vorreiter der Vernichtung? Eugenik, Rassenhygiene und Euthanasie in der österreichischen Diskussion vor 1938 (Vienna, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁹ See Burleigh, Michael and Wippermann, Wolfgang, The Racial State: Germany 1933–1945 (Cambridge, UK, 1991), 32Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For a reading of eugenics that challenges its assumed nationalist bases, see Kühl, Stefan, Die Internationale der Rassisten. Aufsteig und Niedergang der internationalen Bewegung für Eugenik und Rassenhygiene im 20. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt, 1997), esp. 20–39Google Scholar.

¹¹ I take the term “barbarous utopia” from Burliegh and Wippermann, The Racial State.

¹² For the interactions between eugenic scientists like Pearson and left-leaning eugenic enthusiasts, see Stone, Dan, Breeding Supermen: Nietzsche, Race, and Eugenics in Edwardian and Interwar Britain (Liverpool, 2002), 100–110CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹³ For an excellent set of recent essays on negative eugenics in Scandinavia, see Broberg, G. and Roll-Hansen, N., eds., Eugenics and the Welfare State: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland (East Lansing, MI, 2005)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Gawin, Magdalena, “Progressivism and Eugenic Thinking in Poland, 1905–1939,” in “Blood and Homeland”: Eugenics and Racial Nationalism in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900–1940, ed. Turda, Marius and Weingling, Paul J. (Budapest, 2007), 167–84, 175Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Bucur, Maria, Eugenics and Modernization in Interwar Romania (Pittsburgh, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ Marius Turda, “The First Debates on Eugenics in Hungary, 1910–1918,” in “Blood and Homeland,” 185–221, 207.

¹⁷ Schneider, William, Quality and Quantity: The Quest for Biological Regeneration in Twentieth-century France (Cambridge, UK, 1990), 55–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ Rosenhaft, Eve, “Social Welfare in Germany—Past and Present,” in Clasen, Jochen and Freedman, Richard, eds., Social Policy in Germany (New York, 1994) 21–41Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Schneider, Quality and Quantity, 120.

²⁰ On German state provisions for wounded veterans, and the comparatively meager veterans' services in Britain, see Cohen, Deborah, The War Come Home: Disabled Veterans in Britain and Germany, 1914–1939 (Berkeley, 2001)Google Scholar. For the development of Weimar welfare programs and a close look at the lives of millions of Germans who depended on public welfare in the interwar years, see Crew, David, Germans on Welfare: From Weimar to Hitler (Oxford, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Goetzl and Reynolds, colleagues of Tandler's, suggest that Tandler fought for this law in response to the demands of disabled and “malcontent” returning soldiers, hence defusing possible rebellions against the new state. See Goetzl and Reynolds, Julius Tandler, 19.

²² The myth of eugenic supporters as mere pseudo-scientists has been thoroughly debunked and does not need to be treated here.

²³ On the commonalities of Central European eugenics movements, see Turda, Marius and Weindling, Paul J., “Eugenics, Race and Nation in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900–1940: A Historiographic Overview,” in Blood and Homeland: Eugenics and Racial Nationalism in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900–1940, ed. Turda, Marius and Weindling, Paul J. (Budapest, 2007), 1–22Google Scholar.

²⁴ Kühl, Die Internationale der Rassisten, 41–53.

²⁵ Healy, Maureen, Vienna and the Fall of the Habsburg Empire: Total War and Everyday Life in World War I (Cambridge, UK, 2004), 11Google Scholar.

²⁶ These protests were probably both initiated by Soviet-style soldiers' and workers' councils and spontaneous demonstrations of neighborhood frustration. See Gruber, Red Vienna, 18.

²⁷ In particular, the Prussian Center Party had “claimed” positive eugenics. Schwartz, Sozialistiche Eugenik, 154.

²⁸ Of the prewar theoreticians of Austro-Marxism, both Adler and Rudolf Hilferding were medical doctors. In the First Republic, prominent SDAP leaders who also practiced medicine included Karl Kautsky, Jr., and Julius Tandler.

²⁹ See Kolakowski, Leslie, Main Currents of Marxism, trans. Falla, P. S. (New York, 2005), 549–600Google Scholar; Gulick, Charles, Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, vol. II (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1947), 1363–1400Google Scholar.

³⁰ The democratic language of Austro-Marxism was militarized during the First Austrian Republic, 1918–1834. From 1926 on, the SDAP's party programs increasingly imagined and prepared for a bourgeois or even Fascist counterrevolution, which eventually came in the brief civil war of 1934. Although Tandler's speeches did not particularly reflect this hardening of discourse, it was an important reality in the later interwar period. For a thoughtful recreation and examination of the SDAP's debate as it prepared for armed conflict, see Rabinbach, Anson, The Crisis of Austrian Socialism: From Red Vienna to Civil War, 1927–1934 (Chicago, 1983)Google Scholar.

³¹ For an invaluable guide to the labyrinthine legal world of marriage and divorce in the First Austrian Republic, see Harmat, Ulrike, Ehe auf Widerruf? (Vienna, 1999)Google Scholar.

³² For example, when Tandler appointed Karl Kautsky, Jr., a medical doctor and eugenic supporter, to direct Vienna's Marriage Advice Center in 1923, he drew the ire of the Christian Social city council leader Anton Orel. Orel protested: “As a representative of the German Christian folk of Vienna I must emphatically reject this impudent demand … that a Jew should counsel our Christians in affairs of marriage.” As quoted in Sablik, Julius Tandler, 279.

³³ These included taxes on alcohol, gambling, car ownership, and even the number of household servants one employed. Nils Roll-Hanson interprets alcohol taxes in Norway (beginning in 1912) as the first state expression of eugenics; I would extend that reading to the “city-state” of Vienna, in which a number of alcohol treatment and intervention programs were initiated from within Tandler's Welfare Office. See Roll-Hanson, Nils, “Norwegian Eugenics: Sterilization as Social Reform,” in Eugenics and the Welfare State: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Finland, ed. Broberg, G. and Roll-Hansen, N. (East Lansing, MI, 2005), 151–94; 156Google Scholar.

³⁴ “Laboratory for democracy” is one of the ways that Red Vienna has entered into the historiography as a martyred interwar victim to Fascism. See Weidenholzer, Josef, “Red Vienna: A New Atlantis?” in The Austrian Socialist Experiment: Social Democracy and Austromarxism, 1919–1934, ed. Rabinbach, Anson (Boulder, CO, 1984), 195–200Google Scholar.

³⁵ This appears to be the first such law for socialized medicine worldwide. See Sablik, Karl, “Socialpolitik und Gesundheit—Deutschland und Österreich in der Zeit der Weimarer Republik,” in Zeitschrift für die gesamte Hygiene und ihre Grenzgebeite 34, no. 4 (1989): 325–27Google Scholar.

³⁶ Pollak, Ludwig, “Der Arzt im Klassenkampf,” Der Kampf 20, no. 3 (1927): 127Google Scholar.

³⁷ “Zehn Jahre Wolfahrtsamt der Stadt Wien,” Blätter für das Wohlfahrtswesen 30, no. 286 (1931): 173.

³⁸ Tandler, Julius, “Wohlfahrtswesen und Gesundheitsamt,” Das Österreichische Gesundheitswesen, Herausgegeben von Volksgesundheitamt der Gemeinde Wien (Vienna, 1930), 81Google Scholar.

³⁹ Ibid.

⁴⁰ These numbers stem from a section entitled “Zeitschriftenschau” in Blätter für das Wohlfahrtswesen 28, no. 274 (1929): 288–91.

⁴¹ Das Wohlfahrtsamt der Stadt Wien und seine Einrichtung, 1921–1931. (Vienna, 1931), 9.

⁴² Sablik comments at length on Tandler's closed system as a paradigm shift in welfare practices: Sablik, “Sozialpolitik und Gesundheit,” 325.

⁴³ Although Tandler used the terms Bevölkerungspolitik and Rassenhygiene in most of his publications, I refer to these terms as “eugenic” throughout.

⁴⁴ Tandler, Julius, “Zur Einfürung,” Zeitschrift für angewandete Anatomie und Konsitutionslehre 1 (1913): 1–3, 2Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Ibid.

⁴⁶ On the variety of eugenic associations in interwar Vienna, see Löscher, Monika, “Zur Popularisierung von Eugenik und Rassenhygiene in Wien,” in Wissenschaft, Politik, und Öffentlichkeit: Von der Wiener Moderne bis zur Gegenwart, ed. Stifter, Mitchell Ash und Christian (Vienna, 2002), 233–66Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ As a university-trained scientist who was also a member of the Monist League, Kammerer illustrates well the fluidity between hard and soft sciences. See his attempt to combine both in Lebensbeherrschung: Grundsteinlegung zur organischen Technik (Munich, 1919).

⁴⁸ Meaning that medical researcher's task must be to look at the outer form of patients and then deduce whether or not this might be caused by an inner constitutional status. The pathology of the individual hence could be, at root, a constitutional problem. Tandler, Julius, “Konstitition und Rassenhygiene,” Zeitschrift für angewandete Anatomie und Konsitutionslehre 1 (1913): 16Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 18.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 20.

⁵¹ Ibid., 25.

⁵² Ibid., 26.

⁵³ Ibid.

⁵⁴ Tandler began his relationship to Goldscheid's ideas as early as 1920, when he served as secretary to a committee on social biology and eugenics within Goldscheid's Sociological Society of Vienna. See Baader, Gerhard, “Eugenische Programme in der sozialistischen Parteienlandschaft in Deutschland und Österreich im Vergleich,” in Eugenik in Österreich: Biopolitische Strukturen von 1900–1945, ed. Baader, Gerhard, Hofer, Veronika, and Mayer, Thomas (Vienna, 2007), 108Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ The German Monist Association was founded in 1906 by Earnst Haeckel and spread quickly to Austria. It emphasized rational thought and study of the natural world. For its early history, see Wiekart, Richard, “‘Evolutionäre Aufklärung?’ Zur Geschichte des Monistenbundes,” in Wissenschaft, Politik, und Öffentlichkeit: Von der Wiener Moderne bis zur Gegenwart, ed. Ash, Mitchell and Stifter, Christian (Vienna, 2002), 131–48Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ See Löscher, Monika, “…der gesunden Vernuft nicht zuwider…,” Katholizismus und Eugenik in Österreich vor 1938 (Innsbruck, 2009)Google Scholar. Löscher even reads the papal encyclical Casti connubii as tolerant of eugenics, so long as the individual and the family, rather than the state, are the focus of regeneration.

⁵⁷ Wiengart, Peter, “Politik und Vererbung,” in Wissenschaft auf Irrwegung. Biologismus— Rassenhygiene—Eugenik. ed. Propping, Peter and Schott, Heinz (Bonn, 1992), 28Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Tandler, Julius, Ehe und Bevölkerungspolitik (Vienna, 1924), 1Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Ibid., 4.

⁶⁰ Ibid.

⁶¹ Ibid., 8.

⁶² Ibid., 17.

⁶³ Ibid., 16.

⁶⁴ “Wohlfahrtswesen und soziale Verwaltung im Haushaltungsplan der Gemeinde Wien, 1925–1929,” reprinted in Blätter für das Wohlfahrtswesen 28 no. 271:94–98.

⁶⁵ Tandler, Ehe und Bevölkerungspolitik, 16. Emphasis in the original.

⁶⁶ Ibid., 21.

⁶⁷ For the roots and exceptions to these rules, see Harmat, Ulrike, “Divorce and Remarriage in Austria-Hungary: The Second Marriage of Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf,” Austrian History Yearbook 32 (2001): 69–103CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

⁶⁸ Tandler's speech was reprinted later that year: Julius Tandler, “Psychiatrische Kliniken und Siechenhäuser,” Zeitschrift für das gesamte Krankenhauswesen 25:718–22.

⁶⁹ Ibid., 719.

⁷⁰ Ibid.

⁷¹ Ibid., 721.

⁷² Ibid., 722. I have translated the phrase “bevölkerungspolitische Erwägung” as “eugenic considerations.”

⁷³ Weingart, “Politik und Vererbung,” in Wissenschaft auf Irrwegung, ed. Propping and Schott, 28.

⁷⁴ Tandler famously drew the ire of Social Democratic feminists throughout the First Republic by refusing to support the legalization of abortion. His willingness to consider (as a future possibility only) abortion on eugenic grounds, beginning in 1928, is hence all the more surprising. See Sablik, Tandler, 280–83.

⁷⁵ Tandler, Julius, Gefahren der Minderwertigkeit (Vienna, 1929), 12–13Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Ibid., 13.

⁷⁷ Ibid., 5.

⁷⁸ Ibid., 13.

⁷⁹ Ibid., 6.

⁸⁰ Ibid.

⁸¹ Ibid., 14.

⁸² Ibid., 16.

⁸³ Ibid., 21.

⁸⁴ Ibid.

⁸⁵ Ibid., 22.

⁸⁶ Ibid., 20.

⁸⁷ Ibid., 19.

⁸⁸ Tandler begins his essay with this economic term from Rudolf Goldscheid: “The work of any population politics is the management of its organic capital, which is those people living in the community.” Ibid., 1.

⁸⁹ Ibid., 20.

⁹⁰ Ibid., 20 and 21, respectively.

⁹¹ Goetzl and Reynolds, Julius Tandler, 35–36.

⁹² Ibid., 38.

⁹³ Sablik, Julius Tandler, 298.

⁹⁴ Ibid., 299.

⁹⁵ See Dickinson, “Reflections on Feminism and Monism,” 202; and Mocek, Reinhard, “The Program of Proletarian Rassenhygiene,” Science in Context 11, nos. 3–4 (1998): 609CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁶ Mocek, “Proletarian Rassenhygiene,” 609.