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Contesting Authority and Community: Models and Practices of Monastic Reform in Late Medieval Central Europe

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 April 2010

James D. Mixson
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Extract

In the middle of the fifteenth century, the Benedictine monks of Melk in Austria copied Hugh of Fouilloy's On the Wheel of True Religion, a moral treatise that contrasted well-disciplined and dissolute religious life. Two large images accompany the text. Atop an image depicting a dissolute cloister (Figure 1), an abbot reigns in pride and “curiosity.” He wears a red habit, a red tunic adorned with buttons at the wrists, a red beret, and red boots with golden spurs. A luxuriously adorned dagger hangs on a golden belt. The abbot also holds a falcon in his left hand, and nearby are a backgammon board and a lyre. To the left, a prior aspires to the abbot's glory. He wears fashionable long-toed boots and a red tunic adorned with buttons. He also clutches a blue bag, presumably filled with the cash that is said to fund his ascent “through simony.” To the right of the image, a deposed abbot, pulled down by a demon who clutches his habit, laments his fall from grace “through negligence.” A cloistered monk sleeps below with a pair of dice nearby. Atop the contrasting image of disciplined monks (Figure 2), a humbly clothed and properly tonsured abbot holds his office “in dignity, but humbly and with charity.” The abbot's successor, the prior, ascends reluctantly. His predecessor resigns his office out of true humility. A cloistered monk sits quietly below, reading diligently and embracing willingly his life of poverty and obedience.

Type
Forum: Religion and Reform in “Late Medieval” Central Europe
Information
Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 41 , April 2010 , pp. 30 - 47
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 2010

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References

1 The Melk images are from MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 737, fols. 96v and 100r. They may have been copied from a thirteenth-century exemplar in nearby Heiligenkreuz. Cf. Constable, Giles, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century (Cambridge, 1996)Google Scholar, plates 4 and 5 (MS Heiligenkreuz, Stiftsbibliothek, 226, fols. 146r and 149r).

2 For an overview of the reforms, see Niederkorn-Bruck, Meta, Die Melker Reform im Spiegel der Visitationen (Vienna, 1994)Google Scholar.

3 Benedict of Nursia, Rule, French trans. and ed. de Vogüe, A. and Neufville, J. (Paris, 1971–1972)Google Scholar, chapter 33.

4 Knowles, David, The Religious Orders in England. 3 vols (Cambridge, 1948–1959)Google Scholar, I: 319.

5 For a survey of the literature, see Kaminsky, Howard, “From Lateness to Waning to Crisis. The Burden of the Later Middle Ages,” Journal of Early Modern History 4 (2000): 85–125CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Oakley, Francis, The Western Church in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, 1979)Google Scholar; Oberman, Heiko A., Forerunners of the Reformation: The Shape of Late Medieval Thought (Philadelphia, 1981 [1966])Google Scholar; Ozment, Steven, The Age of Reform 1250–1550: An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe (New Haven, 1980)Google Scholar.

7 Elm, Kaspar, “Verfall und Erneuerung des Spätmittelalterlichen Ordenswesens: Forschungen und Forschungsaufgaben,” in Untersuchungen zu Kloster und Stift, ed. Fleckenstein, J. (Göttingen, 1980), 189–238Google Scholar. For Observant reform, see Elm's important edited volume, Reformbemühungen und Observanzbestrebungen im spätmittelalterlichen Ordenswesen (Berlin, 1989).

8 “As rays of light passing through a magnifying glass burn with heat,” in Hamm's eloquent image, the Observants concentrated wider energies of penance and the imitation of Christ's sufferings. The reformers' intense piety in turn encouraged support from secular patrons, who sought to renew discipline and order in the churches of their domains. Hamm, Berndt, “Normative Centering in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries: Observations on Religiosity, Theology and Iconology,” Journal of Early Modern History 3 (1999): 307–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 323.

9 Kaminsky, “From Lateness to Waning to Crisis” (above, n. 5). See also Schuster, Peter, “Die Krise des Spätmittelalters. Zur Evidenz eines sozial- und wirtschaftsgeschichtlichen Paradigmas in der Geschichtsschreibung des 20. Jahrhunderts,” Historische Zeitschrift 269 (1999): 19–55Google Scholar.

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11 Bynum, Caroline Walker, Wonderful Blood. Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond (Philadelphia, 2006)Google Scholar; Van Engen, John, “Multiple Options: The World of the Fifteenth-Century Church,” Church History 77 (2008), 257–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life: The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 2009).

12 There is no study of Wischler's life or work. See Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon. ed. Wolfgang Stammler, Karl Langosch, Kurt Ruh, and Christine Stöllinger-Löser, 14 vols, (Berlin, 1977–2008) 4: 757–59.

13 For context, see Hobbins, Daniel, “The Schoolman as Public Intellectual: Jean Gerson and the Late Medieval Tract,” American Historical Review 108 (2003): 1308–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar and now Authorship and Publicity before Print: Jean Gerson and the Transformation of Late Medieval Learning (Philadelphia, 2009).

14 Cited here from MS Salzburg, St. Peter, a.III.15, fols. 97r–147v. Another copy survives in MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 911, fols. 32r–60v.

15 Burr, David, Olivi and Franciscan Poverty: The Origins of the usus pauper Controversy (Philadelphia, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and The Spiritual Franciscans. From Protest to Persecution in the Century after Saint Francis (University Park, PA, 2001); Lambert, Malcom, Franciscan Poverty: The Doctrine of the Absolute Poverty of Christ and the Apostles in the Franciscan Order, 1210–1323, 2nd ed. (New York, 1998)Google Scholar.

16 For an overview, see Gilissen, John, La Coutume, vol. 41, Typologie des Sources du Moyen Âge Occidental (Turnhout, 1982)Google Scholar.

17 Corpus Iuris Canonici. 2 vols., ed. Emil Friedberg (Leipzig, 1879–1881; repr., Union, NJ, 2000), 1:4 (D. 1. c. 5): “Consuetudo autem est ius quoddam moribus institutum, quod pro lege suscipitur, cum deficit lex.”

18 Angerer, J., “Zur Problematik der Begriffe: Regula—Consuetudo—Observanz und Orden,” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens 88 (1977): 312–23Google Scholar; Hallinger, Kassius, “Consuetudo. Begriff, Formen, Forschungsgeschichte, Inhalt,” in Untersuchungen zu Kloster und Stift, ed. Fleckenstein, J. (Göttingen, 1980), 140–66Google Scholar.

19 Constable, Giles, “The Authority of Superiors in Religious Communities,” in La notion d'autorité au Moyen Age: Islam, Byzance, Occident. Colloques internationaux de la Napoule, session des 23-26 octobre 1978, ed. Makdisi, George, Sourdel, Dominique, and Sourdel-Thomine, Janine (Paris, 1982), 189–210Google Scholar; Felten, Franz J., “Herrschaft des Abtes,” in Herrschaft und Kirche. Beiträge zur Entstehung und Wirkungsweise episkopaler und monastischer Organisationsformen, ed. Prinz, Friedrich (Stuttgart, 1988), 147–296Google Scholar.

20 Cf. Lübeck, K., “Der Privatbesitz der Fuldaer Mönche im Mittelalter,” Archiv für Katholisches Kirchenrecht 119 (1939): 52–99Google Scholar, esp. 63–70.

21 Ogris, Werner, “Die Konventualenpfründe im Mittelalterlichen Kloster,” Österreichisches Archiv für Kirchenrecht 13 (1962): 104–42Google Scholar; Schuller, Helga, “Dos-Praebenda-Peculium,” in Festschrift F. Hausmann, ed. Ebner, Herwig (Graz, 1977), 453–87Google Scholar; Zimmermann, Gerd, Ordensleben und Lebensstandard. Die Cura Corporis in den Ordensvorschriften des abendländischen Hochmittelalters (Münster, 1973)Google Scholar, 48ff.; Lentze, Hans, “Pitanz und Pfründe im Mittelalterlichen Wilten,” in Veröffentlichungen aus dem Stadtarchiv Insbruck, ed. Schadelbauer, Karl (Innsbruck, 1954), 5–15Google Scholar; Watzl, Hermann, “Über Pitanzen und Reichnisse für den Konvent des Klosters Heiligenkreuz,” Analecta Cisterciensia 47 (1978): 40–147Google Scholar.

22 Uhrle, Susane, Das Dominikanerinnenkloster Weiler bei Esslingen (1230–1571/92) (Stuttgart, 1968)Google Scholar. Cf. nos. 103, 192, and 158; Löhr, Gabriel Maria, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Kölner Dominikanerklosters im Mittelalter. 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1920–22)Google Scholar. Cf. vol. 2, nos. 748; 750–52; 754–55, and 757.

23 Here see the arguments of Kaminsky, Howard, “Estate, Nobility and the Exhibition of Estate in the Later Middle Ages,” Speculum 68 (1993): 684–709CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Kaminsky for his criticisms and insights with respect to this crucial concept and its relationship to religious life.

24 See, for example, the arguments rehearsed in Löhr, Gabrielle Maria, “Die Mendikantenarmut im Dominikanerorden im 14. Jahrhundert. Nach den Schriften von Johannes Dambach, O. P. und Johannes Dominici, O. P.,” Divus Thomas. Jahrbuch für Philosophie (1940): 385–427Google Scholar.

25 See the arguments reproduced in the widely circulated sermon on property by Henry of Langenstein (Incipit “Ecce Nos.” Among dozens of manuscripts, e.g., Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 3700, fols. 173–85).

26 The arguments are reproduced in a treatise written by the theologian Dietrich Kerkering (MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 900, fols. 56r–62r).

27 Doyle, Eric, “William Woodford's De dominio civili clericorum against John Wyclif,” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum (1973): 49–109Google Scholar, here 106–7.

28 Kaminsky, “Estate,” 690.

29 Felten, Franz J., “Die Ordensreformen Benedikts XII. unter institutionengeschichtlichem Aspekt,” in Institutionen und Geschichte, ed. Melville, Gert (Cologne, 1992), 369–436Google Scholar; see also Niederkorn-Bruck, Die Melker Reform, 11–16, with further literature.

30 For general orientation, see Findlen, Paula, “Possessing the Past: the Material World of the Italian Renaissance,” American Historical Review 103 (1998): 83–114CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 Helmrath, Johannes, “Kommunikation auf den spätmittelalterlichen Konzilien,” in Die Bedeutung der Kommunikation, ed. Pöhl, Hans (Stuttgart, 1989), 116–72Google Scholar; Miethke, Jürgen, “Die Konzilien as Forum der öffentlichen Meinung,” Deutsches Archiv 37 (1981): 736–73Google Scholar; and Stump, Phillip H., The Reforms of the Council of Constance (Leiden, New York, 1994)Google Scholar.

32 Cf. Heimpel, H., Die Vener von Gmünd und Strassburg 1162–1447: Studien und Texte zur Geschichte einer Familie sowie des gelehrten Beamtentums in der Zeit der abendländischen Kirchenspaltung und der Konzilien von Pisa, Konstanz und Basel (Göttingen, 1982)Google Scholar, 3: 1271.

33 MS Salzburg, St. Peter, a.III.15, fols.103v–107v.

34 Ibid., fol. 120r.

35 Ibid., fol. 117r.

36 Ibid., fol. 111r.

37 Cf. Pennington, Kenneth, The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition (Berkeley, 1993), 53–54Google Scholar.

38 For these passages, see Wischler's text in MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 911, fol. 7r.

39 For these complaints, see MS Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (hereafter BSB), Clm 19697, fol. 158r.

40 MS Salzburg, St. Peter, a.III.15, fol. 129r.

41 Ibid., 129v.

42 Ibid., fol. 125r.

43 Ibid., 130r.

44 Ibid., fol. 139v.

45 Ibid., fol. 141v.

46 Ibid.

47 Ibid.

48 MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 1094, fol. 276r. For Peter of Rosenheim, see Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon 7: 518–21, and Thoma, Franz Xaver, “Petrus von Rosenheim, OSB. Ein Beitrag zur Melker Reformbewegung,” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte der Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 45 (1927): 94–222Google Scholar.

49 For general overviews of these visitations, see Koller, Gerda, Princeps in Ecclesia. Untersuchungen zur Kirchenpolitik Herzog Albrechts V. von Österreich (Vienna, 1964)Google Scholar; Rankl, Helmut, Das vorreformatorische landesherrliche Kirchenregiment in Bayern (1378–1526), (Munich, 1971)Google Scholar; and Zibermayr, Ignaz, “Die Legation des Kardinals Nikolaus Cusanus und die Ordensreform in der Kirchenporvinz Salzburg.” Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte 29 (1914): 1–128Google Scholar. For general context, see also Schulze, Manfred, Fürsten und Reformation. Geistliche Reformpolitik weltlicher Fürsten vor der Reformation (Tübingen, 1991)Google Scholar.

50 Outlined in detail in Niederkorn-Bruck, Die Melker Reform (above, n. 2).

51 MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 1094, fols. 276v–279v. For Wischler's visitation to Lambach, see Niederkorn-Bruck, Die Melker Reform, 29 and 194. For the manuscript, see 42.

52 Martin of Leibitz, Senatorium, cited here from MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 193, esp. fol. 195r.

53 Cf. Pez, Bernard, Bibliotheca ascetica antiquo-nova (Regensburg, 1725) 8: 576–77Google Scholar. I am grateful to John Van Engen for this reference.

54 Griesser, Bruno, “Die Reform des Klosters Rechentshofen in der alten Speyerer Diözese durch Abt Johann von Maulbronn, 1431–33,” Archiv für Mittelrheinsiche Kirchengeschichte 8 (1956): 270–83Google Scholar.

55 Copies soon found their way across Bavaria and Austria — to St. Nicholas in Passau, for example (MS Munich, BSB, Clm 16196, fols. 121r–124r) and to Klosterneuburg (MS Cod. 1155, fols. 38–55).

56 MS Munich, BSB, Clm 16196, fol. 121r.

57 Ibid.

58 Ibid., fol. 122ra.

59 For Nicholas, see Alois Madre, Nikolaus von Dinkelsbühl. Leben und Schriften. Ein Beitrag zur theologischen Literaturgeschichte (Münster, 1965), 10ff., and the works cited in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon 4: 1131. For the Reformationis Methodus, see Madre, 269–71 and Meta Niederkorn-Bruck, Die Melker Reform im Spiegel der Visitationen (Vienna, 1994), 23.

60 Ibid., fol. 272v.

61 MS Vienna, Schottenkloster, 152, fol. 202v.

62 Ibid., fol. 199v.

63 Ibid., fols. 199v-200r.

64 Ibid., fol. 201v: “…domini visitatores possunt audire adhuc plures contra ipsum deponentes, videlicet laicos, vicinos, famulos etc. quoscumque.”

65 Ibid., fol. 202r: “et obiciatur sibi negligentia sua et omnium fratrum.”

66 Ibid.

67 The text is found in Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 959, fols. 189r-v, immediately preceding the Modus procedendi edited by Niederkorn-Bruck, Die Melker Reform (above, n. 2), 214–22.

68 Corpus Iuris Canonici 2: 601-2 (X 3.35.8).

69 Corpus Iuris Canonici 2: 745–47 (X 5.1.24). For context, see Kelly, Henry Ansgar, “Inquisition and the Prosecution of Heresy: Misconceptions and Abuses,” Church History 58 (1989): 439–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

70 Corpus Iuris Canonici 1: 509 (C 3 q. 2 c. 9).

71 MS Melk, Stiftsbibliothek, CM 959, fol. 189v: “Et sciendum quod quando de crimen simonie, periurii, dilapidationis, incontientie et similibus agitur contra prelatum regularem absque strepitu iuris potest deponi, quia ex facili causa potest a sua administratione removeri, ut patet in c. Qualiter et quando V.” Cf. Corpus Iuris Canonici 2: 747 (X 5.1.24).

72 Thoma, “Petrus von Rosenheim,” 135–37, recounted from Munich, archdiocesan archive, Cod. F. 64, fols. 432–33.