¹ Takahara took about 300 photographs of the ruins of Urakami Cathedral from 1945 to 1958. Takahara's photographs were published in 2010 along with Yokote's poignant text entitled Nagasaki Urakami Cathedral, 1945-1958: An Atomic Bomb Relic Lost. 『長崎 旧浦上天主堂 １ ９ ４ ５ － １ ９ ５ ８ 失われた被爆遺産』

(Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten). See Tomoe Otsuki “Ghostly Remnants of the Urakami Cathedral in Itaru Takahara's Photographs” The Volta Issue 56, August 2015, in which I discuss the detailed background of Takahara's photographs and include more visual images of the cathedral ruins taken by Takahara (available: http://thevolta.org/ewc56-itakahara-p1.html).

² Yokote (2010), Nagasaki Urakami Cathedral, 1945-1958: An Atomic Bomb Relic Lost 『長崎 旧浦上天主堂１９４５－１９５８失われた被爆 遺産』. The text was translated by Brian Burke-Gaffney.

³ See Yokote pp. 66-70. Yokote offers the detailed historical background of the Old Urakami Cathedral.

⁴ NBC “God and the Atomic Bomb” (2000)

⁵ Ibid.

⁶ Ibid.

⁷ Takase Tsuyoshi (2009) Nagasaki: Another Atomic Bomb Dome Lost 『ナガサキ—消えたも うひとつの原爆ドーム』 (Tokyo: Heibonsha), p. 27.

⁸ Ibid.

⁹ Interview with Tasaki Noboru, a former city official in the Nagasaki city peace administration in August 2010.

¹⁰ On October 6, 1945, just two months after the atomic bombing, some Nagasaki councillors called for the preservation of the ruins of the Urakami Cathedral at a plenary session of the Nagasaki City Council. Although the discussion to preserve the ruins left by the atomic bombing took place immediately after the end of the war, it took four years before Nagasaki city officials took measures to that end.

¹¹ Yokote, p. 78.

¹² Cited from Chad R. Diehl (2011) PhD dissertation “Resurrecting Nagasaki: Reconstruction, the Urakami Catholics, and Atomic Memory, 1945-1970” University of Columbia, New York, p.223.

¹³ Cited from Kataoka, p. 199. In his book The Life of Nagai Takashi (永井隆の生涯), Kataoka freguently guotes Nagai's remarks without citing a reliable source. He also depicts the conversations between Nagai and Chinese locals as if Kataoka himself was present at that scene. Kataoka also details Nagai's military duty in China and writes that Nagai provided the medical treatment even for the Chinese locals and refugees; he states that Nagai was adored by the Chinese people as “Living God” (Kataoka 139). However, Nagai's act—providing medical treatment for the war refugees and civilians even from his/her enemy country— cannot be framed as a ‘humanitarian relief activity.‘ It is the basic responsibility that International Law demands that all parties to comply with aid for refugees, civilians and POWs.

¹⁴ Takase 2009.

¹⁵ Ibid.

¹⁶ The Nagasaki City Tourist Department Website states that the statue's right hand points to the threat of nuclear weapons while the extended left hand symbolizes eternal peace. Also See Brandon Shimoda (August 2015) “from The Grave on the Wall NAGASAKI” The Volta, Issue 56. Shimoda offers an insightful view and critical observation on Nagasaki's Peace Statue.

¹⁷ Diehl 2011.

¹⁸ Ibid.

¹⁹ Ibid.

²⁰ Ibid.

²¹ Yokote 2010.

²² See Diehl 2011, p. 32. Diehl's extensive archival research in Nagasaki has discovered invaluable information and knowledge concerning the war efforts made by Nagasaki Catholic leaders and Nagai, and how the Nagasaki Catholic leaders pushed on the dismantling of the ruins.

²³ See Diehl (2011), Mark R. Mullins (1994) “Ideology and Utopianism in Wartime Japan: An Essay on the Subversiveness of Christian Eschatology” Japanese Journal of Religious Studies Vol.21 (2-3), and Takahashi Shinji (1994) Doing Philosophy in Nagasaki: Death and Life in the Nuclear Age 『長崎にあって哲 学をする：核時代の生と死』 (Tokyo: Hokujyu Shuppan). Mullins argues that during the war, the established Japanese churches, namely the Roman Catholic and Protest Churches, adapted their religious practices in line with Japanese nationalistic policies and practices; for instance, some congregations worshipped at Shinto shrines and subscribed to the belief that the Emperor was a living God (Mullins 1994, Takahashi 2004). Another prominent Japanese-Catholic journal claimed that the sacrifice of one's life for the state is analogous to the sacrifice of one's life for God; both are the acts of a martyr (Takahashi 2004; Diehl 2011).

²⁴ Katorikukyō hō, 15 January 1938; cited from Diehl, p. 117. In this letter written by Nagai, he did not mention anything about the atrocities and mass rapes the Japanese Imperial Army committed against Nanjing civilians, including children and women.

²⁵ See Takahashi (1994), Diehl (2011) and Saito Takao (August 2015) “Did Nagai Takashi Love His Neighbor as Himself?” 「永井隆は己の如く 人を愛したか」 SEKAI. The three authors have disclosed Nagai's patriotic activities during the war period through archival research and interviews with eye-witnesses to Nagai's acts during that period.

²⁶ From 1948 and 1951, Nagai published several books, including the best-selling The Bells of Nagasaki (1949) and Leaving the Children Behind (1948), in which Nagai called the atomic bomb ‘God's Providence,‘ and the victims “sacrificial lambs”. However, he had made no mention of his military service in China until his 1951 essay entitled “Facing Death” (死に直面して) published four months before his death. In that essay, Nagai for the first time acknowledged that he “saw all kinds of crimes being calmly performed on the battlefield” in China.

²⁷ Diehl, p. 226.

²⁸ Takase, p. 116.

²⁹ Nagasaki Nichi Nichi Shinbun, September 4, 1955.

³⁰ Nagasaki Nichi Nichi Shinbun, September 14, 1955

³¹ Takase 2009.

³² Ibid.

³³ Nagasaki Shisei Tenbo, 1956.

³⁴ Peter Kuznick (2011) “Japan's nuclear history in perspective: Eisenhower and atoms for war and peace” Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

³⁵ Ibid.

³⁶ The full text of Eisenhower's “Atoms for Peace” speech is available in Dwight D. Eisenhower President Library, Museum and Boyhood Home.

³⁷ Takekawa Shunichi (September 10, 2012) “Drawing A Line Between Peaceful and Military Uses of Nuclear Power: The Japanese Press, 1945 - 1955” The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus Vol. 10, Issue 37, No. 2 available at: http://www.japanfocus.org/-Shunichi-TAKEKAWA/3823/article.html

³⁸ From mid-1946, the United States conducted a series of the nuclear tests at the Bikini Atoll with the codename: ‘Operation Crossroads.’ These tests reduced the fish population and food production significantly, and resulted in the death of many locals of the atoll. As a result, about 540 people on the Bikini Atoll were forced to permanently evacuate their homeland (Chugoku Shinbun Hibakusha Research Crew 1991; The Guardian “Paradise lost - ‘for the good of mankind’ August 6, 2002). Also See Robert Jacobs' ”The Radiation That Makes People Invisible: A Global Hibakusha Perspective“ The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 12, Issue 31, No. 1, August 4, 2014 available here. In this article, Jacobs explores how the problem of nuclear radiation has been globalized, and how the victims of radiation throughout the world experience not only similar health problems, but also the same kind of social discrimination and stigmatization, while revealing that no government has ever officially compensated the victims.

³⁹ See Hibakusha in the World 『世界のヒバク シャ 1991 (Ttokyo: Kodansha).

⁴⁰ American officials referred to the crew of the Lucky Dragon #5 as “communist spies” and insisted that the Japanese ship had been outside the designated danger zone of its testing site against U.S.'s warning. See Takase Tsuyoshi (2014) Bravo-Concealed Truth of Hydrogen Bomb Testing in the Bikini Atoll 『ブ ラボー隠されたビキニ水爆実験の真実』 (Tokyo: Heibonsha).

⁴¹ See Takase (2014).

⁴² George O. Totten and Tamio Kawakami (1964) “Gensuikyo and the Peace Movement in Japan” Asian Survey.

⁴³ Arima Tetsuo (2008) Nuclear Energy, Shoriki, CIA-Other Side of the Showa History, 『原発・ 正力・CIA 機密文書で読む昭和裏面史』 • CIA (Tokyo: Shincho).

⁴⁴ Ota Masakatsu (2013) Secret Information—Other side of Nuclear Scoop 『秘 録・核スクープの裏側』 (Tokyo: Kodan-sha)

⁴⁵ Instead, the U.S government favoured Turkey, Iran, Iraq, India, Pakistan, and the Philippines (See Arima 2008).

⁴⁶ Kato Tetsuo (2013) Japanese Socialism—Logic of Anti-Atomic Bomb and Advocate for Nuclear Energy 『日本の社会主義ー 反原爆と原発推進の論理』 (Tokyo: Iwanami Gendai-Bunsho).

⁴⁷ See John W. Dower (2007) “The Bombed: Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japanese Memory” in Hiroshima in History and Memory Ed. Michael J. Hogan (New York: Cambridge University Press) and Yamamoto Akihiro (2014), Nuclear Energy Discourse and Postwar History 1945-1960 『核エネルギー言説の戦後 史１９４５－１９６０ 「被爆の記憶」と「原子 力の夢」 』 (Tokyo: Jinbun Shoin).

⁴⁸ See Takekawa 2012; Yamamoto 2012.

⁴⁹ Yukawa Hideki (1989 [1948]) “Solidarity of Fate” 「運命の連帯」 in Science and Humanity 『科学と人間性』 (Tokyo: Kokubun Shoin). Cited from An Anthology of Yukawa Hideki's Essays 4 『湯川秀樹著作集４』 (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten), p. 32. Yamamoto (2014) points out Yukawa's involvement in the aborted Japanese atomic bomb development project during the war period.

⁵⁰ Yamamoto 2012.

⁵¹ Takekawa, September 10, 2012.

⁵² Ibid. Note that the United States, too, strongly opposed Japan's development of nuclear weapons, while promoting Japan's nuclear energy development (Arima 2002).

⁵³ Ran Zwigenberg (February 6, 2012) “The Coming of a Second Sun: The 1953 Atoms for Peace Exhibition in Hiroshima and Japan's Embrace of Nuclear Power” The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus Vol 10, Issue 6 No 1. Available at http://japanfocus.org/-ran-zwigenberg/3685/article.html

⁵⁴ Takekawa September 10, 2012.

⁵⁵ Jomaru Yoichi (2012), Nuclear Energy and Media: The Second Defeat of Newspaper Journalism 『原発とメディアー新聞ジャーナリ ズムの二度目の敗北』 (Tokyo: Asahi Journal Publication).

⁵⁶ Takekawa, September 10, 2012.

⁵⁷ In his article “Drawing a Line between Peaceful and Military Uses of Nuclear Power: The Japanese Press, 1945-1955” (2012), Takekawa Shunichi discusses how other national newspapers supported Japan's introduction of nuclear power. For instance, he points out that, after Yomiuri's exhibition on Atoms for Peace, Asahi Shinbun, too, co-hosted Atoms for Peace exhibits with USIA in Kyoto and Osaka.

⁵⁸ Cited from Zwigenberg 2012.

⁵⁹ William Benton (July-December 1945)“The Role of International Information Service in Conduct of Foreign Relations” U.S. Department of State Bulletin p. 589

⁶⁰ Fujita Fumiko (2007) “U.S Cultural Diplomacy toward Japan during the Cold War” University of Tokyo Center for Pacific and American Studies.

⁶¹ See Fujita (2007) and Shawn J. Parry-Gills (1994) “The Eisenhower Administration's Conceptualization of the USIA: The Development of Overt and Covert Propaganda Strategies” Presidential Studies Quarterly Vol. 24 (2).

⁶² Christina Klein (2003). Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middle brow Imagination, 1945-1961 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California).

⁶³ Klein, p. 52.

⁶⁴ Ibid.

⁶⁵ Ibid.

⁶⁶ Takase 2009.

⁶⁷ Ibid.

⁶⁸ Takase 2009.

⁶⁹ Several scholars have discussed how the Hiroshima Maidens symbolized the notion of healing of the broken relation between the United States and Japan, as well as the idea of forgiveness and reconciliation between the two countries. See M.J. Yavenditti (1982) “The Hiroshima Maidens and American Benevolence in the 1950s” Mid-America: A Historical Review 64 (2), and Robert Jacobs (2010) “Reconstructing the Perpetrators' Soul by Reconstructing the Victim's Body: The Portrayal of the Hiroshima Maidens by the Mainstream Media in the United States” Intersections: Gender and Sexuality in Asia and Pacific.

⁷⁰ See Hattori Yasuki (2003) “Bravery Not to Complete the Narrative of the Nagasaki Atomic Maidens and the Head of the Virgin Marry” 「未完結への勇気 長崎原爆乙女の物語とマリ アの首」 Genbaku Literature Studies （原爆文 学研究） and Nakano Kazuhiko (2002) “Narrative of the Atomic Maidens” 「原爆乙女の物語」 Genbaku Literature Studies （原爆文 学研究）

⁷¹ Hattori 2003.

⁷² Hattori 2003.

⁷³ Asahi and Chugoku Shinbun newspapers reported on Kobayashi, but neither described exactly which crimes Kobayashi was tried and responsible for.

⁷⁴ Asahi Shinbun, February 6, 1953.

⁷⁵ Hattori 2003.

⁷⁶ Nakano 2002.

⁷⁷ Klein, p. 152.

⁷⁸ Ibid, p. 150.

⁷⁹ Ibid.

⁸⁰ Chugoku Shinbun May 14, 1955.

⁸¹ Asahi Shinbun June 18, 1956; Chugoku Shinbun June 27, 1956.

⁸² Nakano 2002.

⁸³ Jacobs, 2012.

⁸⁴ The New York Times, May 6, 1956.

⁸⁵ Ibid.

⁸⁶ The United Press August 9, 1955.

⁸⁷ The Times Record December 1, 1955

⁸⁸ Ibid.

⁸⁹ Ibid.

⁹⁰ St. Paul Dispatch August 23, 1956.

⁹¹ The Lucky Dragon #5 incident also galvanized public opinion outside Japan. Belgian diplomat Paul-Henri Spaak stated, “if something is not done to revive the idea of the President's speech - the idea that America wants to use atomic energy for peaceful purposes - America is going to be synonymous in Europe with barbarism and horror” (Kuznick 2011, p. 2). Likewise, Indian Premier Jawaharlal Nehru called American leaders “dangerous self-centered lunatics” (ibid) that would destroy any people or country in their way. British Prime Minister Winston Churchill captured this same sentiment by stating that the Pacific Ocean is not an American lake (Takase 2014). In May 1954, Eisenhower complained that, “everybody seems to think that we are skunks, sabre rattlers, and warmongers” (Kuznick 2011, p. 2). Similarly, American Secretary of State John Foster Dulles stated that, “comparisons are now being made between ours and Hitler's military machine” (ibid).

⁹² Years later, Nakajima recounted to a younger Urakami priest named Furusu, that the Catholic community probably disliked him as a result of his position in the debate (Takase 2009). Furusu told Takase that Nakajima probably tried to shield Yamaguchi from criticism by representing the bishop's position on his behalf.

⁹³ Yokote 2010.

⁹⁴ NBC's documentary 2000.

⁹⁵ NBC 2000; Takase 2009, pp. 141-142

⁹⁶ The memorial of the twenty-six martyrs refers to the project of building a monument on Nishizaka hill to commemorate a group of Christians who were executed by crucifixion on February 5, 1597. The Memorial Monument of the twenty-six martyrs was completed in June 1962 to commemorate the 100th anniversary of the canonization of the Christians executed on the site.

⁹⁷ ‘Dutch House’ is more commonly known as Dejima today. It was an artificial island in the port of Nagasaki, constructed in 1636 originally to segregate Portuguese residents from the Japanese population and control their missionary activities. After the expulsion of Portuguese, a Dutch trading factory, formerly located in Hirado, moved to Dejima. The Dutch workers were confined to Dejima to separate them from the Japanese during Japan's two centuries of isolation. The plan of restoring Dejima was discussed in the 1950s, but actual work took place in 1996.

⁹⁸ NBC 2000; Takase 2009, pp. 146-147.

⁹⁹ Ibid, p. 148.

¹⁰⁰ Diehl 2011; Takase 2009.

¹⁰¹ Diehl 2011.

¹⁰² Nagasaki Shinbun March 14, 1958

¹⁰³ Yokote 2010.

¹⁰⁴ The negatives of the photographs of the ruins of the Urakami Cathedral taken by Ikematsu Tsuneyuki, the first chief curator of the Nagasaki International Cultural Hall, were also burnt in the fire at City Hall. Ikematsu took a number of photographs of the ruins right after the atomic explosion. He privately printed 100 copies of his photograph collection and sent them to Christian organizations in Japan and abroad, including the Vatican. Despite their powerful visual impact, Ikematsu's photographs have never been widely shown within Japan or abroad. Ikematsu carefully preserved the negatives of his photographs in Nagasaki City Hall. As a result, for decades, it was believed that there were few photographs of the ruins taken by Nagasaki locals until Takahara brought his photographs of the ruins to the public for the first time in 2009. The images of the ruins that were internationally distributed were taken by either Yamashita Yosuke, the Japanese imperial military photographer, or U.S occupiers.

¹⁰⁵ Captions cited from Yokote 2010, pp. 58-59.

¹⁰⁶ Fukuma Yoshiaki (2011). Memory of Devastated Land 『焦土の記憶』 Tokyo: Shinyo-sha.

¹⁰⁷ Chugoku Shinbun August 6, 1951.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid.

¹⁰⁹ Fukuma 2011.

¹¹⁰ Chugoku Shinbun, October 5, 1963

¹¹¹ Fukuma 2011.

¹¹² Hiroshima City Council Archive II 1990, p. 817

¹¹³ Chugoku Shinbun August 3, 1970.

¹¹⁴ See Okuda Hirooko (2010) Memory of Atomic Bomb—Thought of Hiroshima and Nagasaki 『原爆の記憶 広島と長崎の思想』 (Tokyo: Keiogijyutsudaigaku), and Funakoshi Shuichi (2008) “Deception of ‘Nagasaki's Peace’ that Obliterated Sasebo and Mitsubishi” 「佐世保と三菱を忘れた長崎の平和の欺瞞」 Shukan-Kinyo, November 7, 2008

¹¹⁵ Funakoshi 2008.

¹¹⁶ “Japan - AEGIS Weapon System Upgrade” U.S. Defense Security Cooperation Agency, December 10, 2012.

¹¹⁷ Funakoshi 2008; Okuda 2010.

¹¹⁸ Fiction of Constructed Navy Town Sasebo (作られた「海軍の街佐世保」の虚 構)

¹¹⁹ Okuda 2010.

¹²⁰ Commander Fleet Activities Sasebo

¹²¹ See Shukan Kinyo November 7, 2008 (726).

¹²² Klein 2003.

¹²³ Yamamoto 2012.