Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 November 2011
page 389 note 1 Accession no. 334.
page 389 note 2 John Collis (ed.), Winchester Excavations 1949–60, iii (in preparation).
page 389 note 3 Turner, C. H., ‘The Churches at Winchester n i the Early Eleventh century’, Journal of Theological Studies, xvii (1916), 65–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 67–8.
page 389 note 4 See Frank Barlow, Martin Biddle, Olof von Feilitzen, and D. J. Keene, Winchester in the Early Middle Ages: an edition and discussion of the Winton Domesday (Winchester Studies I, ed. Martin Biddle, Oxford, forthcoming), pp. 315–16, fig. 9. Recent work on the later medieval sources suggests that the extended northern boundary of New Minster lay along the south side of High Street, to the north of and enclosing St. Maurice's church.
page 389 note 5 Ibid., p. 332.
page 389 note 6 Martin Biddle and Quirk, R. N., ‘Excavations near Winchester Cathedral, 1961’, Arch. Journ. cxix (1962), 150–94Google Scholar, esp. 159–65.
page 390 note 1 Anderson, H. H., Crabb, P. J., and Madsen, H. J., Arhus Sondervold: en byarkœologisk undersogehe (Århus, 1971), pp. 143–51Google Scholar; Tempel, W. D., ‘Kämme aus Haithabu’, Ausgrabungen in Haithabu, Bericht 4 (Neumünster, 1970), esp. pp. 37Google Scholar, 43 , Abb. 3, 1 and Abb. 2, 2; Waterman, D. M., ‘Late Saxon, Viking and Early Medieval Finds from York’, Archaeologia, xcvii (1959), fig. 16, nos. 2, 5, 10, pl. xviiiGoogle Scholar; Märtensson, A. W., Lundafund (Lund, 1970), p. 61Google Scholar.
page 390 note 2 Waterman, op. cit., pi. xix, 8, cf. fig. 18.
page 390 note 3 Winchester in the Early Middle Ages (op. cit. p. 389, n. 4, above), 427–39.
page 390 note 4 Wilson, D. M., ‘Late Saxon Metalwork from the Old Minster, 1964’, Antiq. Journ. xlv (1965), 262–32Google Scholar.
page 390 note 5 Biddle, M., ‘A Late Saxon Frieze Sculpture from the Old Minster’, Antiq. Journ. xlvi (1966), 329–32Google Scholar.
page 390 note 6 Ibid., p. 325, pl. LXIa
page 391 note 1 H. Schmidt, ‘Vikingernes husformede gravsten’, Nationalmuseets Arbejdsmark, 1970, p. 16.
page 391 note 2 Okasha, E., Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Non-runic Inscriptions (Cambridge, 1971), no. 138Google Scholar.
page 392 note 1 Winchester in the Early Middle Ages (op. cit., p. 389 n. 4, above), 183–6, table 7 and fig. 1.
page 392 note 2 Smith, R. A., Proc. Soc. Ant. Land., 2nd ser. xiii (1911), 397–403Google Scholar; Shetelig, H., ‘The Norse Style of Ornamentation’, Acta Archaeologica, xix (1948), 103–4Google Scholar, fig. 27; see now Birthe Kjølbye-Biddle, ‘The Winchester “weather-vane’, reconsidered’, forthcoming.
page 392 note 3 Typical examples are the Glenstrup 2 stone (Jacobsen, Lis and Moltke, Erik, Danmarks Runeind-skrifter (Copenhagen, 1941–2)Google Scholar, no. 123, pls. 310–13) and the Alsted stone (DR, no. 237, pls. 570–2).
page 393 note 1 For details see Jacobsen-Moltke, Danmarks Runeindskrifter, cols. 994–8.
page 393 note 2 The name is spelled with initial in the form alabr on Holy Island, Arran (M. Olsen in H. Shetelig, Viking Antiquities in Great Britain and Ireland, vi (Oslo, 1954), 169). I am not sure that the final stave of text i of Winchester is consistent with a name Óláfr, however.
page 393 note 3 DR, no. 66.
page 393 note 4 In Danish runic inscriptions the word occurs as iutska and i(w)ska.
page 393 note 5 R. I. Page, ‘How Long Did the Scandinavian Language Survive in England? The Epigraphical Evidence’, in Clemoes, P. and Hughes, K. (eds.), England before the Conquest (Cambridge, 1971), pp. 165–81Google Scholar.