The birth and childhood of the Greek male gods and heroes are themes well documented in classical Athenian art and myth. By contrast, contemporary Athenian iconography and mythology are remarkably empty of references to the birth and infancy of the female heroes and female gods, or alternatively present the newborn goddesses as adult women. This article seeks to shed light on the apparently missing childhood phase of the goddesses and heroines, by examining the evidence of fifth-century Athenian iconography in its socio-historical context. Consequently, in the case of the goddesses, it is proposed that the female child figure represented a state of being incompatible with the nature and manifestation of divinity. It is further suggested that the mythological heroines enter classical Athenian art and myth only once they have attained puberty, because it is at this point that their potential for relations with the male gains significance. And just as was the case with their mortal female counterparts, it is this capacity for interaction with the male sex that makes them of interest to society.

This paper sets forth the chemical analysis of a number of copper objects from Greece of the Late Bronze and Early Iron ages. The majority of these objects were picked up by me during my wanderings, and so are not exactly stratified or datable, but nevertheless may be assigned with tolerable certainty within the limits described. The collection from the Argive Heraeum was found in the temple rubbish-heaps; the pieces of determinate form are paralleled from Geometric times, so it is highly probable that the whole of this deposit is of the same date.

The Lekythos of Myrrhine (NM 4485) is described and dated to the last decade of the fifth century. It is a specially commissioned memorial, commemorating her religious office; she is demonstrated to have been the first priestess of Athena Nike. The gravestone to Myrrhine found near Zographo is also discussed. It is suggested that the Lethykos is either a public monument, or an attempt by her family to draw public attention to her, while the Zographo stone marked her actual burial place.

The dead of Pharsalos sleep sound; but more than a century ago their battlefield began to walk; and since Leake a dozen scholars in succession have found it in as many different places, over an area of forty miles by ten.

I must apologise for introducing yet another claimant theory, but I have at least aimed also at reducing the total by the abolition of one or two of its wilder predecessors. I propose, then, to summarise the ancient evidence, to state and criticise the theories based on it, and to conclude with a new attempt at solution, checked by walking over the plains of Pharsalos.

Far the first, then, among our authorities stands of course Caesar himself (Bellum Civile, III. 81–98). After the occupation of Gomphoi and Metropolis, all the states of Thessaly, except Larissa, had declared for him. Accordingly, ‘having found a convenient position in the Thessalian plain,’ he sat down there to wait for Pompey and the final decision. A few days later Pompey marched south to Larissa and joined Scipio. When next heard of, their army is encamped opposite Caesar on a hill.

The σύνοδος of the μύσται and τεχνῖται of Dionysos Breiseus at Smyrna has long been known to students from several series of inscriptions. These, although defective in themselves, can be supplemented by the inscriptions of analogous associations, so that the details of the society's organisation are tolerably familiar, and for the present require no further discussion. But certain questions have not so far been decided. Such concern the origin of the god, the meaning of the epithet, and the situation of his temple at Smyrna. The present paper is an attempt to answer these questions, some new evidence having recently come to hand.

The earliest certain home of Dionysos Breiseus seems to have been Lesbos, where the name of Brisa has been known for many centuries. Homer's heroine will be recalled: Androtion knew a Lesbian promontory called Βρῆσα: the Lesbos of to-day has a hill and a village called respectively Βρίσιον and Βρίσια.

A fragment of Mycenaean pictorial pottery, unprovenanced and now in Florence, is published. It depicts, partly preserved, a man standing between two (chariot ?) horses. This is the so-called horse-leader motif, illustrated on only one or two other Mycenaean vases but well-known from late Geometric Argive and Attic vase painting.

It is suggested that the reappearance of the motif in the 8th cent. B.C. may be explained not as inspired by surviving Mycenaean models but as an independent creation.

The small Ionic temple that once stood on the banks of the Ilissus has now all but disappeared. Converted into a Christian church during the Turkish occupation, it was completely dismantled in 1778 to provide material for the new fortification walls of Athens. Fortunately, before its final destruction the temple was visited by the English travellers J. Stuart and N. Revett and its appearance, plan (Fig. 1), and dimensions have been preserved by their careful drawings.

Scholars were immediately reminded of these drawings when, in 1834, the remains of the Temple of Nike on the Acropolis were discovered (Fig. 2). The close relationship between the two temples and the likelihood that both were the products of the same architect, Callicrates, have since then been generally acknowledged, and a detailed study of the points of similarity has been made more recently by I. M. Shear.

A stone built into the church at Kokkinórachi near Sparta carries part of a first-century AD text containing one or more imperial rescripts to Sparta. The author of one section admonishes the Spartans after civil unrest, probably during the lifetime of the dynast Eurykles, his son Lakon, or his grandson Spartiatikos. Epigraphic parallels, and the text's appeal to historic traditions, suggest that the author is Claudius. The document may indicate that communication between cities and emperors by ‘petition and response’ was more widespread now than in the post-Hadrianic era, when cities are thought generally to have addressed the emperor by letter.

Early in 1915 during a short journey in Macedonia I took the opportunity of exploring the site and neighbourhood of Olynthus (Fig. 1), because it is hoped that the British School at Athens will before long be able to begin excavations there. I spent two days in the territory of Olynthus examining sites at Hagios Mamas, Myriophyton and Molivopyrgos as well as the ruins at Pizla, Magazudia and Palaioportes, all near Polygyros, which are those of mediaeval or modern villages. Although somewhat impeded by a heavy fall of snow I had the satisfaction of seeing for myself the comparative warmth of the climate of Olynthus even in winter. All about the reputed site of Olynthus the snow soon melted, whereas to the west beyond the village of Portaria towards the Kara Burun promontory, the snow remained for several days. The biting north-west Vardar wind which freezes the western end of Chalkidike in winter is kept off from Olynthus by the range of hills behind Polygyros, some of which are over three thousand feet high. Along the coast from Hagios Mamas to Molivopyrgos the territory of Olynthus is warm, faces south and is fertile, producing oil, corn, wine and silk. The low ground towards the coast is covered with olive groves, while the hills to the north are clothed with oak woods which were undoubtedly finer in antiquity than they are to-day. In most of the houses in Polygyros the doors and floors are of oak instead of the usual pine. These circumstances, coupled with the good anchorage at Molivopyrgos (the ancient Mekyberna), make it easy to understand the wealth and commercial importance of Olynthus. In addition to its other advantages, from Polygyros there runs the best road northwards into the upper country. Iron is said to be found in the hills and to-day mines of chrome and magnesite are worked along the coast.

The Palace at Mycenae was first found and excavated by Tsountas in 1886, although Schliemann had previously in 1874 dug one or two trial pits on the summit of the Acropolis here. His shafts are shewn on Steffen's excellent plan. Tsountas published a full report of his excavations in the Πρακτικά, and in succeeding campaigns cleared more of the ruins of the Palace, and also laid bare the foundations of the Doric temple which was built over the ruins of the Palace in later times. Unfortunately, no full account or plan of these supplementary excavations has ever been published, so that our knowledge of the Palace at Mycenae was incomplete. In 1914 Dr. Rodenwaldt re-examined the painted stucco floors in the Court and in the Megaron, and at the same time republished, together with important new fragments which he was lucky enough to find, all the known pieces of wall-painting from the Megaron. We began work on the Palace in 1920, and continued our re-investigation of the ruins during the three following campaigns, of which that of 1923 was very short. The results of our observations and the few new points discovered by us are here set out. We have to thank Dr. Leicester Holland for the splendid plan published here (Plate II.). In it all the foundation walls of the Doric temple are omitted and most of the Hellenistic and other late walls, so as not to confuse the plan of the Mycenaean Palace.

What was the nature of the revolution in the manner of laying out a new town associated with the name of Hippodamos of Miletus? Aristotle suggests that it was simply a matter of regularity. The old way was to build irregularly, the new way to build regularly after the manner invented by Hippodamos. If this is true, how came it that the regular manner was adopted, presumably, in the first half of the fifth century? What movement of ideas brought it into favour? To what special circumstances did it constitute a response? Why had it not developed earlier as an obvious consequence, for instance, of the founding of new cities in the great age of Greek colonisation? And if the new colonial cities of the eighth, seventh and sixth centuries were not planned in a regular fashion, how were they planned?

After we had spent several days in preparations, including the purchase and despatch of timber and other stores, Miss Lamb left Athens for Mycenae on May 11th, and began work the next day with six men. Dr. Boethius arrived on May 12th and the Director on May 13th. The other members of the party, Miss Lorimer, Mr. Heurtley, Mr. Hutchinson and Dr. Smith, arrived on May 16th and 17th. The number of men employed gradually rose to fifty-five, and then towards the end of the excavations was reduced by degrees to thirty, and finally to four when work closed on August 15th. The headquarters were again established in the Metrovgenes house, and accommodation was reserved at the ‘Fair Helen’ Hotel for the women members of the party.

The Greeks used certain words for workmen's tools, apparently without any distinction as to whether they were employed by wood- or stone-carvers, stonemasons, metal-workers, jewellers, shoemakers, &c. It was sufficient for them that the words used described something that carved or chipped (σμίλη), something that bored (τρύπανον), something that hit (σφῦρα), or something that rounded off (τόρνος). There may, indeed, have been some distinction as regards the word κολαπτήρ, which is believed to have meant a stonemason's chisel (refs. in LSJ9 s.v.). But σμίλη seems to have been used also for a knife. For instance, σμίλης ὁλκοί is believed to mean ‘chiselled furrows cut into a wooden surface' (Aristophanes, Thesm. 779), as well as a sculptor's chisel (Anth. Pal. vii. 429), though perhaps too much reliance should not be placed on poetical usage. The word τρύπανον seems to have been originally applied to a bow-drill worked by a thong twisted round it, as in the Polyphemus story (Od. ix. 385), but later appears to have been used for any instrument that turned (τρέπειν). στάθμη was evidently a carpenter's rule (Od. v. 245, et al.), and κανών was also a rule used for making straight lines (Plato, Phil. 56b). σφῦρα was a mallet or hammer, whether smith's (Od. iii. 434, Hdt. i. 68), carpenter's, or mason's. These are the main tools used, we may presume, for the engraving of stone inscriptions. Of particular interest from the point of view of technique are the words apparently used for tools that rounded off, or perhaps carved circularly. In Homer men ‘rounded off the tomb’ (τορνώσαντο σῆμα) (Il. xxiii. 255), or a ship's hull (Od. v. 249). Compare another early allusion, in Herodotus' Scythian section (iv. 36): ‘they describe the ocean flowing round the earth which is made circular as if by a lathe’ (κυκλοτέρης ὡς ἀπὸ τόρνου).

In connection with the inscription from Geraki (No. 11) published above, and the parallel inscription from Mantinea, it seems worth while to discuss two obscure points. (1) The history ot Demetrius the Fair, the father of Antigonus Doson. (2) The worship of the earlier Diadochi.

The number of fresh inscriptions found in 1909 compares unfavourably with those of 1906 and 1908. This is hardly surprising, for the sanctuary of Orthia, which had previously yielded about one hundred different inscriptions, was known to be almost worked out as far as this class of finds was concerned, and in fact only four new texts were discovered here as the results of this year's excavations. In addition to this, the examination of the foundations of the late-Roman walls, which had yielded a plentiful crop of inscribed marbles in the three previous campaigns, was practically finished as regards the southern side, which, as being nearest to the Agora, was more likely to reward our search than the other sides. It seemed advisable, however, to continue the exploration of these walls on the eastern and northern faces, and this work was not fruitless, for, somewhat contrary to expectation, a large number of inscribed statue-bases of the Imperial age were found within a small area along the northern side of the walls.

These differing conclusions, regarding early Euboean trade at Al Mina, from leading Students of the School may seem to contain the seeds of another internecine, Lelantine War. So, since the author has a homely interest in the Plain, and counts the two contestants among his friends, he thought he might intervene, though with no pretence to the same expert knowledge of the period in question and with a strong vested interest in Euboean enterprise.

The point at issue is the source of a distinctive group of sherds from Al Mina, probably the earliest Greek pottery found on that site; they belong to rather shallow skyphoi, or cups, decorated on each side with two groups of compass-drawn semicircles pendent from the lip and usually overlapping.

The Hellenistic period in the Aegean is one notoriously devoid of firmly established chronological markers with more than local significance and which might be used to divide the cultural material into smaller groupings. This is especially true for pottery. The Aegean basin was parcelled out among numerous ceramic provinces which, though all were obviously heirs to the traditions established in the Classical period, yet managed to interpret any new ideas in their own way and at their own speed. These apparently newly emerged styles were in fact of hoary antiquity. They represent the resurgence of local mores and traditions in pottery manufacture whose existence in the Classical and Archaic periods had been well-nigh overlooked by the excessive concentration on the study of the products of Corinth and Athens. Their re-emergence was occasioned by two factors consequent on the establishment of the Hellenistic kingdoms. The first was the collapse of Attic pottery production as a result of a series of disastrous wars and defeats in the later fourth and early third centuries B.C. The second was the very real prosperity enjoyed by the provincial centres in the newly Hellenised world.

These fragments of inscriptions were found on the Altar-hill at Praesos in the excavation of 1901 and 1904 (B.S.A. viii. 254–260; x. 115, 247). The two Eteocretan inscriptions and the terracottas and other minor finds were published forthwith. The stones now described are of some interest as indicating that the sanctuary on this hill—Dr. Halbherr's ‘Third Acropolis’— was the place where official records of treaties and other public documents were exhibited.

In honour of Professor Alan Wace, who has spent some fifty fruitful years in Greco-Roman archæology, I dedicate this paper. During that epoch his efforts in this sphere have been widespread. He has unearthed many finds and various archæological data of the utmost importance in Greece, particularly at Mycenae, and in Egypt both in Alexandria and Hermopolis Magna. By his discoveries and contributions, which have been recognised as worthy of highest esteem, he has shed much interesting light on various aspects of life in the Graeco-Roman world. As an ex-colleague in the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, I have been in close touch with him during the last seven years and he has always shown himself to be an indispensable source of information and a scholar of wide learning.