In the summer of 1975 the owner of a small estate on the eastern slopes of Lower Gypsadhes decided to build a private road upslope to a belvedere overlooking the palace area. In the course of grading, several archaeological features were damaged before work was halted by the intervention of the Antiquities Guard. The Ephor of Antiquities at Herakleion then asked the British School to undertake rescue excavations in the area, and the Director of the School requested that I investigate the most important of the damaged constructions, an Iron Age chamber tomb.

About half-way along the course of the new road was a large area covered with the shattered remains of Geometric and Orientalizing vessels, but no sign of a tomb remained above ground. Preliminary excavation revealed the cause of this pattern.

In the spring of 1915 I had the opportunity of examining the long Greek inscription at Petworth House, Sussex, first published in 1883 by U. Köhler (Ath. Mitt. viii. pp. 57 f.), from a squeeze and copy supplied by the late Dr. A. S. Murray (Fig. 1), and republished with corrections in I.G. ii. 5, 477 d. The right side of the inscription is so much worn (Pl. XIV.) that though the letters can be traced in a good light on the stone or on a photograph, they leave no impression on a squeeze; I was therefore able to make some important additions to the published text.

They may be summed up as follows:—

(1) The lines are incomplete on the right side.

(2) The stone contains lists of names from six tribes, not four, but a portion of the lines belonging to the third and the sixth tribe has been cut off.

(3) The second tribe is Akamantis and the list under that heading is now complete; the third is Hippothontis.

(4) A few words and letters have been added to the fragmentary Decree at the top of the stone (ll. 1–6).

(5) Köhler's restorations of the text of the second Decree (ll. 7–26) are almost all correct.

Evidence of the local use of bronze or copper appeared amongst the deposits in H 5 1 in the shape of several pieces of small clay crucibles. None of them were complete, but the two best examples, shewn on Plate VII give the shape. They were spoon-shaped vessels about ·24 m. long by ·16 m. wide, made of coarse dark clay with a spout at one end; this is seen in the left-hand example on the plate. They stood on three short legs so arranged that the crucible could be tilted forward and cause the molten metal to flow out of the spout into the mould. That they had seen some service was proved by the remains of metal which clung to their inner surface. A fragment of such a crucible was found in the old excavation and two broken stone moulds, one for a Double Axe. Such a Double Axe, shewn on Pl. XIV, 59, was found this year together with a bronze spear-head, in a cleft between two stones almost immediately above the rock underneath a floor-level in H 4 15. They had the appearance of being in a sort of cache and probably belonged to a later period than that of the First City, to which their actual level would assign them. The only other bronzes found were the arrowhead and knife shewn on Pl. XIV (Nos. 58 and 60).

The type and decoration of the Ephyraean goblet and the length of its duration is discussed in the light of recent excavations. Its chronological range is defined as LH IIA–IIB/LM IB to before the end of LH IIB.

In 1987 the Manchester team made casts of the skulls of the priest and priestess discovered at Anemospilia (Archanes) by J. A. and E. Sakellarakis, and after careful medical study—which showed that the priestess suffered from anaemia as well as halitosis—reconstructed their faces, according to the technique used on the skull from tomb II at Vergina (Philip II).

Surface discovery in Rhodes in the Mycenaean cemetery at Moschu Vounara of a (Cypriot) White Slip I bowl fragment (now lost) is described. A short general account is given of the distribution of Cypriot goods in Greek lands in the earlier part of the Late Bronze Age.

At the west end of the mediaeval castle on the Megarian Minoa the front surface of the west wall has fallen away. The foundations of the wall thus laid bare consist of large square blocks of poros and blue limestone from Hellenic buildings. The corner block is of blue limestone and is inscribed in three columns on its upper surface. On the face of the second and third columns are traces of mortar which show that there was originally a course above the stone. The block is 1·12 m. in breadth and ·55 m. in height. Its depth cannot be ascertained, as it is buried almost up to the surface. At the top is a margin 10 cm. in width, extending along the whole length of the stone. The inscription is below the margin, and the three columns are separated by vertical grooves. The first column is ·355 m. in breadth, the second ·32 m., and the third ·265 m.

The following is an account of several excavations that I undertook on behalf of Professor Wace during the seasons of 1952 and 1953 at Mycenae. These were roughly confined to the area between the so-called Tombs of Clytemnestra and Aegisthus, but also included an extension to the east of the Perseia Fountain House, excavated in 1952. The excavations are dealt with under four sections which are as follows:

1. Area Z (the extension east of the Perseia Fountain House).

2. The East–West Wall (south of the Perseia Fountain House).

3. The area round the Tomb of Aegisthus.

4. The Great Poros Wall (on the east flank of the Tomb of Clytemnestra).

Four letters written in 1879, 1880, and 1884, by Thomas B. Sandwith, the British Consul in Crete, to the British Museum throw light on the early history of the site of the Bronze Age palace at Knossos. The first of these letters (1879) contains a brief eyewitness account of the excavations of Minos Kalokairinos there in the winter of 1878–9 and urges the British Museum to continue his work. The two later letters (1884) deal with his gift of a pithos from the palace excavations to the Museum. The letters also refer to clandestine excavations in the Sanctuary of Demeter at Knossos.

The main epigraphic evidence for the water-supply of Aphrodisias in Roman times is to be found in the fragmentary inscriptions published by Doublet and Deschamps in BCH XIV (1890), 611–13, nos. 7–10, and CIG 2782, ll. 40–2. From the former group of texts it has been assumed that two water-systems were installed, one in the time of Vespasian and the other in the time of Domitian; I hope to show that these texts refer to one water-system only, that built in the time of Domitian. From the latter passage it has sometimes been thought that M. Ulpius Carminius Claudianus paid for the laying-on of the waters of the river Timeles to the city in the age of the Antonines. This assumption rested on the false reading ὲλ[ειο]δ[ι]ὰκτο[υ]ς introduced by Boeckh. The word ὲλειοδὶὰκτος is taken to mean a ‘conduit for draining marshes’ (LS9, s.v.). Sherard's copy preserves the true reading ἒλ <α> ια δρακτοῖς πολλὰκις τεθεικὸτα. All that can be proved by the inscription is that Carminius Claudianus made several distributions of oil ὲν τῶ̣ καιρῶ̣ τῆς τοῦ Τε<ι>μὲλου ποταμοῦ εἰσαγωγῆς (l. 41); there is no proof that he paid for the construction of the aqueduct.

The epigraphic evidence for the earlier water-system rests on the reconstruction of the text of which BCH XIV (1890), 611–13, nos. 7 (cf. REG XIX (1906), 223–4, no. 126), 8 and 9 are fragments; no. 10 seems to be part of another copy of this, or a similar, inscription. Of these fragments the only one found by the expedition led by Professor Calder in 1934 was no. 7; the improved readings in this inscription are from a photograph.

There are fragments of eight to ten tripods from Palaikastro now in the Candia Museum. Some of these were found outside and in front of the temple precincts. The excavator mentions fourteen, but he may not have noticed that certain fragments belong to the same tripod. Part of a tripod-leg in the British Museum catalogued (1907, 1–19–233) as being from Palaikastro and published BSA XXXV, 96, 97, fig. 10, pl. 23, 5, is illustrated in Bosanquet's notes, but I have not been able to determine the exact provenience of individual tripods at Palaikastro. Compare the position of tripods found in front of the sanctuary of Polis in Ithaca, BSA XXXV, 51, and in front of the Idaean Cave, Halbherr and Orsi, Museo Italiano, II, p. 5. It certainly comes from the same workshop as Candia Museum No. 86 from the Idaean Cave and carries a similar figurine.

I discuss four Linear A axe-head inscriptions. Two of them have not previously been published, one is discussed (though without a photograph) in AE 1953–4 (ii), 64 by N. K. Boufides, and one, though published by Evans in his first article on Cretan script before his excavations at Knossos (JHS xiv (1894), 280), is referred to neither in S.M. i nor by Carratelli. Its attribution to Linear A is probable but not certain.

As a rule, it is extremely difficult to distinguish the boundary between legend and history. In the case of Lemnos, however, this difficulty does not arise chiefly owing to a lack of material, as very little is known about the early days of the island, and, as far as our knowledge goes at present, the first date in its history is B.C. 512. At this time it was still independent, and though, no doubt, Athenians lived in the island, there was no official connection between Lemnos and Athens. Athens was at war with Persia, and Darius sent Otanes, who was in command of the Persian forces on the sea coast of Asia Minor, on a punitive expedition. As a result of the invasion of Thrace and Macedonia by Megabazus, Lemnos with several of the other Aegaean islands came under the Persian rule; but the islanders did not surrender without a struggle and put up a very gallant fight.

Of over 1000 images of birds found in sanctuaries, approximately 300 may be interpreted as water birds: they are found in sanctuaries of female rather than male deities. The cult and ritual reasons for bird offerings and representation are discussed.

Two inscriptions commemorating the battle of Marathon and set up soon after 490 have come down to us. Both are epigrams and both have profited by recent discovery and research. The one, IG I2 763, has had its left-hand portion added by a fortunate find in the Agora, giving the beginnings of four hexameters: the other, IG I2 609, an inscribed column formerly carrying a statue, has now, as a result of recent study, been reunited with the dedication it once bore, a winged woman, a Nike, it is thought. The group is one of the more spectacular fruits of the long-sustained and still continuing attempt to reunite the scattered pieces of the ‘Perserschutt’. The reasons for dealing again with this latter dedication are new readings offered as a result of an examination of the inscription in the Epigraphical Museum in Athens.

If we look at the aryballos represented in the field of our vase (Pl. III), we ask ourselves what the tags are which we see hanging on the shoulder. This question involves another, how the aryballos was carried. I shall try to answer both questions.

The old, Corinthian type of aryballos was suspended by its big, solid handle, through which a cord or string was passed.

The Attic type, on the other hand, was carried by a cord tied round the neck of the vase. That is the rule, even when there are handles. Such handles are narrow and consequently fragile; and there was no reason to reject a perfectly satisfactory method of suspension because of a change in detail.

I. The simplest way is as follows. Make a loop in a cord, knotting the cord at a (Fig. 1, 1). See that the loose ends are of the same length. Then pass the ends round the neck of the vase, and make another knot on the other side at b (Fig. 1, 2). Two ends thus hang down from the neck, on the side opposite to the loop by which the vase is carried. Seen in profile : Fig. 1, 3. As soon as you carry the vase, it naturally tips up (Fig. 1, 4) (just as the Corinthian type did which was carried by the handle).