A few points are illustrated concerning regional Mycenaean pottery from the Greek mainland dating from LHIIA to LHIIIC Late. It has been suggested that the use of certain motifs on certain closed shapes was perhaps as a label for the contents of the vase. Early Mycenaean regional styles in peripheral areas, such as Thessaly and Phocis, are discussed and regional preferences during the LHIIIA2–IIIB koine are mentioned. The influence of Crete on Mycenaean pottery in Laconia and Messenia during these phases is demonstrated. Contacts between the Ionian islands and the north-west Peloponnese with other areas in LHIIIC Late are noted.

Alan Wace and I spent three memorable years together, wellnigh half a century ago, in the British School at Athens, of which he was later to be for nine years the Director. The first book which either of us published was the Catalogue of the Sparta Museum, in the writing of which we collaborated, and I have followed with keen interest his subsequent career as scholar, administrator and teacher. I therefore regard it as a privilege to make a contribution however slight to the volume of the British School Annual which will serve as a tangible expression of his friends' admiration of his past achievements and their heartfelt wishes for his future happiness.

We give here a partial account of trial excavations undertaken at Knossos by the British School in autumn 1975 at the request of the Greek Government. The site lay in a field on the south-east flank of the acropolis, immediately above and west of the unmetalled track that runs roughly north–south, leading from the upper part of Knossos (Bougadha Metochi) towards the Venetian aqueduct and, eventually, to Arkhanes (see Site Plan, Fig. 1). The field is the property of the Staphylakis family. Until late summer 1975 it had served as rather low grade arable land, covered with stone apparently eroded from the acropolis. The owner in 1975 applied for permission to deep-plough the land with a view to converting it to an olive-grove.

The remote date of the researches here described needs a word of explanation and apology.

In the latter part of the year 1913 the Committee of the Cyprus Museum received a Government grant for the purpose of exploratory work on sites selected to illustrate principal periods and aspects of antiquity, and to provide the basis for estimates of the value and the cost of operations on a larger scale. I accepted the invitation of the Committee to supervise this project, and to give to my former pupil at Oxford, Mr. Menelaos Markides, then Keeper of the Cyprus Museum, the personal introduction to field work which might enable him to continue such excavations, on a modest scale, on his own responsibility. As there was some prospect of finding human remains, I obtained from the British Association for the Advancement of Science a small grant to meet the expenses of another friend and pupil, the late Leonard H. D. Buxton of Exeter College, Oxford, who held the Oxford Diploma in Anthropology, and had been engaged in anthropometric work in the excavations of Sir Henry Wellcome at Jebel Moya in the Sudan.

Though the name of Demetrios of Skepsis is hardly known to us except through Strabo, he was in his way a remarkable man. The only independent account of him is a mention by Diogenes Laertius as one in a list of well-known namesakes; ἑνδέκατος Σκήψιος, πλούσιος καὶ εὐγενὴςἄνθρωπος καὶ φιλόλογος ἄκρως οὖτος καὶ Μητρόδωρον προεβιβασε τὸνπολίτην (V. v. 11). The date of his birth is fairly closely fixed by his own statement in Strabo (XIII. i. 27) that he visited Ilium as a boy (μειράκιον) when the Romans landed in Asia to attack Antiochus, i.e. in 190 B.C. The word μειράκιον may be taken to mean anything from about 14 to 20 years of age. Demetrios therefore cannot have been born much before or after 205 B.C. Some surprise may be felt at the statement that he gave Metrodoros his start in life; Metrodoros, the friend of Mithridates, died, as we know from Strabo (XIII. i. 55) and Plutarch Lucullus 22) in or immediately after 70 B.C. The lives of the two men therefore cover some 135 years; if both lived to be 75, Metrodoros can only have been 15 at Demetrios' death. The description of Demetrios as ‘a man of wealth and birth, and a scholar to his finger-tips’ is quite borne out by what we know of his works. He plainly inherited the tradition of the little nest of Platonists and Aristotelians who were established at Skepsis and the neighbouring Assos; he was an enthusiast for Homer and geography, and devoted his life to a geographical commentary on Homer, and more particularly to the Trojan Catalogue, which so nearly concerned his native Troad: He found place, however, for excursuses of very wide range; for instance the long one on the Kuretes in Strabo X. iii. 19–22. Another on the changes in the face of the earth produced by volcanic action is quoted in l. iii. 17.

The excavations at Torone, Mende, and some other sites have produced evidence of continuous contact between Chalcidice and southern Greece from early in the Iron Age. We can now understand more clearly the relationship between the earliest Greek settlers and those of the colonizing period, and we can tackle some problems of topography in the Chalcidian peninsula from a new angle.

A miscalculation in the analysis of population statistics for the island of Melos made by Wagstaff, Augustson, and Gamble in their work An Island Polity is discussed. A new calculation is made of the areas under agriculture required to support the given population of Melos at a sequence of dates ranging from A.D. 1470 to A.D. 1848. It is argued that the ancient population of Melos could have been supported by a smaller area of arable land than that previously suggested, and that in arriving at this figure the relative fertility of the island should also be taken into account.

This paper presents the results of a large-scale petrological study of Early Iron Age (twelfth-seventh centuries bc) coarse wares from north-central Crete. 210 samples were taken for analysis from six locations at Knossos, representing distinct funerary, domestic, and ritual contexts. The pottery selected represents coarse to semi-fine fabrics and a variety of vessel types and sizes. The bulk (188) of the samples can be divided into seven fabric groups, with 22 loners or pairs. Four of the seven fabric groups exhibit a mineralogy that is consistent with local geology. The functional ceramic range is clearly reflected in the methods of clay preparation: coarse wares, cooking pot wares and fine wares have distinct clay paste technology. Three of the fabric groups, however, appear to be non-local, twelve samples coming from elsewhere in Crete, and twenty-three from elsewhere in the Aegean. Fabric groups 4 and 7 seem to represent a rather specialized local taste for exotic (possibly Cycladic) wares, used primarily for cooking. Overall the picture is one of considerable continuity in patterns of production and consumption from the Bronze Age. The introduction of the red micaceous wares (especially fabric 4) however coincides with a number of other signs of greater external contact in Knossos during the latter part of the ninth century BC. These innovations appear to be related, even if debate continues as to their significance.

To άρθρο Παρουσιάςει τα αποτελέσματα μιας μεγάλης κλίμακας πετρολογικής μελέτης της χονσροεισούς κεραμεικής της Πρώιμης Eποχής του Σισήρου (12ος- 7ος αι. π.X.) από την βόρεια κεντρική Kρήτη. 210 σείγματα πάρθηκαν για ανάλυση από έξι θέσεις στην Kνωσό, οι οποίες αντιπροσωπεύουν σιακριτά ταφικά, οικιακά και τελετουργικά σύνολα. H επιλεγμένη κεραμεική αντιπροσωπεύει χονσροεισή και μεσαίας ποιότητας αγγεία ποικίλων σχημάτων και σιαστάσεων. O κύριος όγκος (188) των σειγμάτων μπορεί να σιαιρεθεί σε επτά ομάσες σύστασης πηλού, με 22 σείγματα να αποτελούν μονασικές περιπτώςεις ή ςεύγη. Tέσσερις από τις επτά ομάσες εμφανίςουν ορυκτολογία ςύμφωνη με την τοπική γεωλογία. H ποικιλία της χρηστικής κεραμεικής αντανακλάται καθαρά στις μεθόσους προετοιμαςίας του πηλού: χονσροεισή αγγεία, μαγειρικά αγγεία και λεπτότεχνα αγγεία σείχνουν σιακριτή τεχνολογία πρόςμειξης πηλού. Tρεις από τις ομάσες ςύστασης πηλού παρ' όλα αυτά φαίνεται να μην είναι εγχώριες – σώσεκα σείγματα προέρχονται από άλλες περιοχές της Kρήτης, και 23 από άλλες περιοχές του Aιγαίου. Oι ομάσες 4 και 7 φαίνεται να αντιπροςωπεύουν μια ισιαίτερα εξεισικευμενη τοπική προτίμηση για εξωτικά (ενσεχομένως Kυκλασικά) αγγεία, τα οποία χρησιμοποιούνταν κυρίως για μαγειρική. Γενικά έχουμε μια εικόνα σημαντικής συνοχής και συνέχειας στις μαρφές παραγωγής και κατανάλωσης από την Eποχή του Xαλκού στην Eποχή του Σισήρου. H εμφάνιση και εισαγωγή αγγείων κοκκινωπού πηλού με μαρμαρυγία (εισικά η ομάσα 4) (συμπίπτει με έναν αριθμό άλλων στοιχείων που σείχνουν εκτενέστερες εξωτερικές επαφές της Kνωσού κατά τα τελευταία χρόνια του 9ου αιώνα π.X. Aυτές οικαινοτομίες φαίνεται να συσχετίςονται, αν και η συςήτηση αναφορικά με τη σημασία τους συνεχίςεται.

This article re-examines the Isopata cemetery, a Final Palatial burial site north of the Knossos palace excavated in 1909–10. After presenting unpublished material from the excavations, including a previously unknown tomb, the article compares the cemetery with other contemporary burial sites in the Knossos valley and at Poros. While all tomb use in this period appears to have been a statement of high status, Isopata (and several of its tombs in particular) nevertheless stands out in terms of architectural extravagance and in its appeals to prestige symbolism - including the continuation of actual ritual practices - from the Neopalatial past.

The photographs of Athens in the collection of Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema, now in the Library of the University of Birmingham, are catalogued. They are shown to comprise, in the main, two series, one purchased, of which the majority are original prints of William Stillman's photographs of 1869, the second consisting of photographs apparently taken for Sir Lawrence when he visited Athens in the later 1870s. Since the later series often deliberately duplicated views in the earlier series, comparisons can be made. These demonstrate that part of the façade to the west wing of the Propylaia was preserved intact from Antiquity inside the Frankish tower.

Under the central courtyard of the Villa Dionysos laid out in the second century AD as a Roman garden (Viridarium), a sounding in summer 2000 revealed two layers of PG domestic occupation, with no architectural remains from the intervening periods. This article publishes the two stratified PG deposits and the later fill above them. A forthcoming article will discuss the bioarchaeological evidence and also the LM deposit below, down to the bedrock.

The discovery of a PG house, so far to the north of the previously known PG settlement, invites some discussion. A Supplement will set forth other evidence for Early Greek presence in the area of the Roman villa.

This paper summarizes the results of the earlier phase (1991–8) of geoarchaeological investigations at the Canal of Xerxes in northern Greece and then presents the findings of recent work. Through the combination of geophysical survey and analysis of sediments obtained from bore holes drilled along the supposed course of the canal it was established in 1996 that at least in the central sector of the 2 km wide isthmus there was indeed a deeply buried trench-like structure, c. 30 m wide. This is most likely to have been a canal that would have had a depth of water of up to 3 m. The recent work has explored first the situation at the southern end of the canal where one ancient writer claimed that the terrain would only have allowed the construction of a slipway (diolkos). However, seismic survey and sedimentological analysis of cores in that area found no obstacle to the digging of a canal. Second, the results of seismic survey (supported by the evidence of satellite imagery) at the northern end of the canal have suggested that its course was more easterly than that proposed earlier on the basis of the line of present-day lowest ground. In sum, all the indications are that there was a canal across the Athos peninsula and not a diolkos, and that the canal's features conform to those outlined by Herodotus in his description of the structure built by Xerxes to allow the Persian fleet into the Aegean for the invasion of Greece in 480 BC.

Excavations a decade ago in the centre of the city of Durrës (ancient Dyrrachium) in Albania revealed an extensive complex of concentric structures of the Late Roman and Early Byzantine eras. Initially identified as a market complex (macellum) of a type known in numerous Roman cities, it also became apparent that the circular paved area 40 m diameter within a colonnade at the centre represented a space intended for more formal activities and was most likely a Forum comparable with the Curved Forum at Constantinople. A central focus of the area was a rotunda c.5.75 m diameter that may have supported monumental statuary or possible a column. In 2001 a record was made of the architectural remains and in 2004 and 2005 two unfinished trenches adjacent to the Rotunda were enlarged and completed. The dating evidence recovered from beneath the level of the Forum paving indicated a construction date around the end of the sixth century, making it likely that it was one of the embellishments conferred on his native city by the emperor Anastasius (491-518).

Οι προ δεκαετίας ανασκαφές στο κέντρο της πόλης του Δυρραχίου στην Αλβανία αποκάλυψε ένα εκτεταμένο συγκρότημα κυκλικών κατασκευών των Ύστερων πωμαϊκών και των ∏ρώιμων Βυζαντινών χρόνων. Μολονότι εξ' αρχής το συγκρότημα χαρακτηρίστηκε ως αγορά (macellimi), ο τύπος της οποίας συναντάται σε πολλές Ρωμαϊκές πόλεις, έγινε επίσης φανερό, ότι ο πλαισιωμένος με περιστύλιο κυκλικός πλακόστρωτος χώρος διαμέτρου 40 μ αντιπροσώπευε στο κέντρο του ένα χώρο, ο οποίος προοριζόταν περισσότερο για επίσημες δραστηριότητες, ταυτιζόμενος κατά πάσα πιθανότητα με αγορά (Forum), εάν συγκριθεί με την Κυρτή Αγορά της Κωνσταντινούπολης. Το επίκεντρο του χώρου ήταν μία ροτόντα με διάμειρο 5·75 μ κατά προσέγγιση, η οποία ίσως να στήριζε ένα μνημειακό σύμπλεγμα αγαλμάτων ή πιθανώς έναν κίονα. Το έτος 2001 δημιουργήθηκε ένα αρχείο για τα αρχιτεκτονικά κατάλοιπα και κατά τα έτη 2004 και 2005 δύο μη ολοκληρωμένες ανασκαφικές τομές, παρακείμενες της ροτόντας, επεκτάθηκαν και ανεσκάφησαν πλήρως. Τα δεδομένα χρονολόγησης, που συλλέχθηκαν κάτω από το επίπεδο του πλακόστρωτου της αγοράς τοποθετούν την οικοδόμησή της περί τα τέλη του 60υ αι. μ.Χ., συνηγορώντας προς την άποψη, ότι πιθανώς πρόκειται για ένα από τα αφιερώματα, που πρόσφερε στη γενέτειρά του, ο Αυτοκράτωρ Αναστάσιος (491–518 μ.Χ.).

This study is a description and discussion of all known examples of mortar-and-rubble towers in Attica, extending P. Lock's survey of central Greece in BSA 81 (1986). Attic towers of this type are generally free-standing and located in places of agricultural rather than strategic importance. In this, as well as in the lack of pretension in their architectural form, they conform to the mortared towers of Boiotia studied by Lock, and reinforce his conclusion that they functioned primarily as fortified residences of Frankish lords. Ceramic evidence from various sites, and the evidence of the ‘tower house’ of medieval western Europe, strengthen the arguments for date and function. Included in the discussion are possible Turkish towers and other pre-modern structures such as windmills and monastery towers.

Amongst the somewhat meagre array of inscriptions illustrating Athenian relations with Persia in the middle of the fourth century there is one substantial document which merits particular attention. This is the decree which records details of Athenian relations with a certain Orontes who is generally identified with the well-known Persian satrap of that name. This decree, published as IG ii2. 207, consists of four fragments. Three of these are extant and are housed in the Epigraphical Museum at Athens (fragments (b)+(c)+(d) = EM 7035, 7035 (α), 7036), the other piece has long been lost (fragment (a)).

The following pages give an account of the first half of the excavations conducted on behalf of the British School in June 1937. The party consisted of Mr. J. D. S. Pendlebury, Miss M. Money-Coutts, and Miss M. Pascoe. Emmanoueles Akoumianos was again kindly lent by the School to act as foreman. Thanks to the courtesy of the authorities we had the pleasure of the assistance of Mr. Kh. N. Petrou, Assistant-Director of Candia Museum. His arrival did not take place until after the excavations here described had been finished. He was, however, present during the trial excavations on Karphi and the Papoura, at Donadhes, Kolonna, and Kerasa, the results of which will be the subject of a later report. We also wish to acknowledge the help and interest shown by the local authorities of Tzermiadho, particularly by Mr. Sphakianakes, the Schoolmaster. Figs. 2–6 have been redrawn from our surveys by Mr. C. Hart of Cambridge.

A second season of new excavations was undertaken at Palaikastro in 1987 in the area of Building 1, partially revealed last year, and in the adjacent fields to the south. Two new structures were denned, Buildings 3 and 4, and most of the plan of Building 1 traced. Features suggesting that Building 1 was public and played a role in the religious life of the town in LM I are the high quality of its construction, a possible grandstand with stone horns of consecration, a large well-built drain at the entrance, its unique orientation, and the discovery of the torso and arms of a male chryselephantine statuette fallen from an upper storey into an open area near the building. The other buildings are not yet well-defined. Building 3 was constructed in LM I and re-occupied in LM III, but no inner partition walls have been found. An area with pier-and-door partitions and mudbrick walls was built against the southwest wall of the building and destroyed in LM IB. Building 4 seems to belong to the LM III period, although we have not yet investigated below the floors of the re-occupation period. Destruction deposits of the LM IIIA2/B period suggest an earthquake.

Finds of the Mediterranean Cone Shell (Conus mediterraneus Hwass in Bruguière 1792 = ventricosus Gmelin) from Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece are listed, and their use discussed.

Elemental analysis of coarse-ware stirrup-jars from Thebes provided the first objective evidence for the movement of coarse wares in the Late Bronze Age Aegean. While the evidence of the optical emission spectrometry analysis indicates that stirrup-jars occur in several fabrics, the assignation of these fabrics to specific sources has been the subject of some debate, summarized and discussed in the light of fresh evidence by Catling and Jones but continued by McArthur.

It was to cast more light on the general questions that a large sample of stirrup-jars from Mycenae was analysed by petrological analysis. This method of analysis involves the identification of the rocks and minerals within the clay and relates them to geological sources most compatible with the archaeological evidence. Recent discussions of the method include Courtois, Peacock, and de Paepe.

With considerable help and collaboration from Dr. E. French and Lord William Taylour, and permission from the Greek Department of Antiquities, 37 samples were taken from stirrup jars from the House of the Wine Merchants (= HWM; dated LH IIIA/B), 25 from the House of the Oil Merchants (= HOM; dated to the end of LH IIIB1), and ten samples from stoppers found in the stirrup jars in the House of the Oil Merchants. The aim was to define the fabrics petrologically in order to relate these to the typology proposed by Haskell (this volume), and to suggest possible origins for them based on geological evidence.

An emended text of this inscription is presented. The evidence it affords for the development of Athenian metic-status is discussed, in the light of its reattribution to the time of the Kleisthenic reforms. The role of Kleisthenes in establishing the metic-status is confirmed.