Matacapan, a Classic-period center in the Sierra de los Tuxtlas, Veracruz, Mexico, is known for its strong stylistic affinities with Teotihuacan. The Comoapan complex is a ceramic-production area situated along the southern edge of Matacapan. Data from Comoapan indicate that pottery manufacture was large scale and intensive, with final products distributed outside of Matacapan and possibly beyond the Tuxtlas. These data suggest that models of Tuxtlas political economy emphasizing long-term Teotihuacan administration should be reconsidered. More reasonable is a perspective that views the Tuxtlas as a source of high-quality prestige goods whose distribution is administered by local elite.

Conceptualizations of pre-Hispanic staple transport remain underdeveloped. Conventional wisdom has long maintained that while “prestige goods” could demand long-distance transport, staple transport was short distance. A quantitative model reveals the fallacy of that argument and establishes the possibility of long-distance, overland staple transport in Mesoamerica by using maize tribute transport between Zempoala and Tenochtitlan as an example. This conclusion has implications for understanding Mesoamerican interregional exchange, ecology, and society.

Sluyter (1993) makes some useful points, but his criticism of Drennan's arguments is unsound. Sluyter is incorrect in thinking that there is no limit to the distance from which human bearers could carry food staples at a net energy profit. Drennan did not take into account that feeding bearers meals supplied at way stations is more efficient than requiring them to carry all their food with them, and he is unrealistic in thinking that a center will rarely procure food from a distance too great to allow more than half of what is procured to reach the center. At least during shortages, food may be procured at a much smaller net energy profit. Nevertheless, Drennan is correct in arguing that there is a limit beyond which (other things being equal) no further increase in procurement radius can increase the food potentially available to the center.

Sufficient numbers of preceramic projectile points have now been found in Belize to define two morphologically distinct projectile-point types, Lowe and Sawmill. A provisional type —Allspice—is proposed but lacks both the necessary numbers and adequate context for acceptance as a diagnostic type. A single Clovis point is so far the only diagnostic of the Paleoindian period. This study also suggests that the projectile-point typology, the foundation for much of the Belize Archaic Archaeological Reconnaissance chronology, is so badly flawed that the resulting chronology has little merit. Recent discoveries of major preceramic sites with associated radiocarbon dates and their possible association with early raised-field agriculture indicate that studies of preceramic Belize are entering an exciting new era. This typology should provide a useful tool for future studies and is the beginning of a meaningful chronology.

Research carried out during the last three decades at the Late Postclassic city-state of Otumba, Mexico, has identified a wide variety of craft-production specializations. Data derived from excavations and surface collections made at the workshop site of one of Otumba's specialties—lapidary jewelry production—have revealed much of the process for the production of such jewelry, including ear spools, lip plugs, and beads, along with some possible secondary products, such as sequins and disks, all primarily made from obsidian. Besides the lapidary products themselves, many of the tools employed in production—made of obsidian, chert, and basalt—were found. The materials recovered enhance and expand upon the information available from colonial documentary sources, providing greater insight into this complicated and intriguing process.

Recent fieldwork has identified a previously unknown obsidian source area in southern Zacatecas and northern Jalisco. Evidence of prehistoric use of surface gravel and nodule outcrops in the Huitzila-La Lobera source area includes raw-material extraction and the production of cores, large blade blanks, rough bifaces, and other artifacts. Unusual variability in color is characteristic of the sources and includes a banded variety described as “rainbow” obsidian. Characteristics of this source area are compared to the Llano Grande obsidian source area in Durango. Implications for understanding the distribution of obsidian from sources in the Sierra Madre Occidental to the cultures of the north Mesoamerican frontier are presented and discussed.

A total of 51 obsidian samples from archaeological sites in western Mexico (La Quemada, Totoate, Las Ventanas, Laguna San Marcos) and from the Tequila source area were analyzed chemically by direct-current plasma atomic emission spectrometry (DCP) and instrumental neutron activation analysis (INAA) in an effort to identify the sources of the archaeological obsidian by step-wise discriminant analysis of the data. Surprisingly, only 3 of the 39 archaeological samples (2 from Laguna San Marcos and 1 from Las Ventanas) could be correlated with a Volcán Tequila source (Teuchitlan). Four other groups of archaeological obsidian were recognized. The largest, Group Y, was found to be derived from the La Lobera source located near the Jalisco–Zacatecas border. This source accounted for 12% of La Quemada obsidian and a higher proportion for Las Ventanas and Totoate. Source locations for the remaining three groups could not be determined from the existing chemical data base. These results could indicate that a minimum of interaction took place between La Quemada and the Teuchitlan cultural tradition. It shows that one focus of La Quemada's trade endeavors was in the Río Bolaños/Tlaltenango valleys. This study also indicates that organized obsidian trade between the Mexican core and its outer periphery was probably not a factor between a.d. 400 and 800.

The results of trace-element analysis of 200 prismatic blades from Colha, Belize, are reported. Questions concerning possible elite control and restriction of obsidian distribution, and the relative decline and increase of the El Chayal and Ixtepeque sources in varying functional contexts within lower- and upper-status areas are the primary focus of the study. Contrary to expectations, a high percentage (51%) of obsidian was assigned to the Ixtepeque source, 48% was assigned to El Chayal, and only two samples (1%) were assigned to Rio Pixcaya. The use of obsidian from the Ixtepeque source declines through time from Tepeu 2 through Tepeu 3 from 72% to 43%, and Ixtepeque obsidian appears to have had a largely ceremonial use by the Terminal Classic period. It appears that as Ixtepeque obsidian became less available at the site, it fell more into the hands of the elite. This trend runs counter to our expectations of an apparent lack of elite control of Ixtepeque obsidian in the Postclassic. The Colha data suggest that a slightly different process may have governed the distribution of Ixtepeque obsidian in the Late/Terminal Classic than during the Postclassic period. It is not clear, however, whether this trend extends to regional differences in control or is simply a local idiosyncratic phenomenon at Colha.

The reconstruction of time is a central concern all archaeologists must address in their research; few, however, are fully aware of the potential of all the dating methods at their disposal. For this reason, this paper summarizes the developmental history and current level of field application of obsidian-hydration dating. It (1) reviews how this dating technique was first discovered and applied, (2) details our current knowledge of the process of hydration and which variables affect its rate, (3) discusses the relative advantages and limitations of the three primary approaches employed to construct hydration chronologies, and (4) presents a protocol for its future application in Mesoamerica. The synthesis of this body of hydration-dating research may help archaeologists more constructively decide how and when to apply this unique and versatile dating technique to their specific research questions by providing the information and guidelines necessary for recovering pertinent field data.