In this issue we introduce a new, occasional feature in Ancient Mesoamerica: longer, sustained, detailed papers that elaborate the finer points of controversial culture-historical issues or theoretical debates in Mesoamerican studies. Each of these longer pieces will be followed in a future issue by invited commentaries. This first paper involves a debate that has been brewing for some time: the origins of the words for cacao (Theobroma cacao and congeners [McNeil 2006b:341]) and chocolate and the culture-historical implications. Few things of ancient Mesoamerica have whetted both the intellectual and the culinary appetite like cacao and and its derivative, chocolate. Cacao and chocolate, in fact, have represented many things in Mesoamerica and all over the world: food, beverage, commodity, money—and words that evoke lively scholarly debate.

The word *kakaw(a) (‘cacao’, Theobroma cacao) was widely diffused among Mesoamerican languages, and from there to much of lower Central America. This study provides evidence establishing beyond reasonable doubt that this word originated in the Mije-Sokean family; that it spread from the Mije-Sokean languages in or around the Olmec heartland into southeastern Mesoamerican languages; that its diffusion into Mayan languages took place between about 200 B.C. and A.D. 400; and that it spread from a Mije-Sokean language in or near the Basin of Mexico into languages in the region. It shows that each of the arguments presented by Dakin and Wichmann (2000) against a Mije-Sokean origin is either unworkable, is based upon false premises, or is not relevant; and that their proposed alternative — that it originated in and spread from Nawa into other Mesoamerican languages — conflicts with the mass of evidence relevant to the issue.

This study also discusses the linguistic details of vocabulary for drinks made from cacao; shows that no proposed etymology for the word chocolate is correct, but agrees with Dakin and Wichmann that its proximate source is a Nawa form chikola:tl; and discusses the history of words for Theobroma bicolor (‘Nicaragua chocolate tree; pataxte’) and their use.

The linguistic data are pertinent to issues of intergroup interaction in pre-Columbian Mesoamerica, but do not shed light on the nature or the cultural context of the diffusion of cacao in Mesoamerica, nor on its uses.

A group of three unlooted shaft tombs was discovered and excavated in the site of El Piñon, in Bolaños Canyon of northern Jalisco and southern Zacatecas. The details of the excavations are discussed here, highlighting chronology, the presence of local and trade goods, the osteological analysis, and the question of sequential versus single interment.

Though infrequent, the inclusion of marriage statements in Aztec histories reveals the political nature of matrimony for elite Nahua rulers in Late Postclassic-period central Mexico. The rules governing these elite marriages were so standardized that unconventional marriages particularly stand out as strong political declarations. This article focuses on four case studies—two marriages that violated already established political alliances and two marriages in which aggressions were taken out against the royal wives. These case studies reveal shifting alliances and political maneuvering that are not as clearly evident when looking strictly at Conquest history. Ultimately, these marriages illuminate increasing political tensions within the Aztec empire. Moreover, they reveal the potential, though largely hidden, role of noblewomen in Aztec politics. Clearly, the political stakes in these unconventional marriages were high; in the four cases studies presented here, each ends with the death of one of the spouses.

Archaeological and historical evidence clearly shows that the Lunar Series of mythical dates were calculated backward—that is, they were often determined from the date on which the monument was erected using a specific formula to calculate the age of the moon. In this article, I present a high-precision adjustment technique that confirms the “Palenque formula” using Lunar Series data from recent excavations. I show that the Palenque formula was also used at Tikal on 9.16.15.0.0 to backward calculate the Lunar Series of 5.0.0.0.0 12 Ahaw 3 Sak. At Coba, the backward calculation of the Lunar Series of the Era base date used a less precise 29.5-day lunar month. I also discuss the relationship between rulers of specific sites and the lunar-month count at those sites, finding that there was no “Period of Uniformity” in lunar calculation, as proposed by John Teeple (1930). Although a uniform six-month count was used during the reign of several rulers, in many cases the month count changed after a new ruler came to throne. I propose a month count related to a cycle of eight tropical years for the Lunar Series of K'inich Yo'nal Ahk I and Yo'nal Ahk III at the site of Piedras Negras.

Between a.d. 760 and 930, millions of Maya disappeared from the Earth. We examine changes in the physical environment in which the Maya lived. The ice-core evidence from Greenland indicates that around the time of the Maya Collapse, a minimum in solar insolation and a low in solar activity occurred, accompanied by severe cold and dryness over Greenland, indicating hemispheric climatic conditions propitious for drought in the Maya Lowlands. In the northeastern Caribbean, sea-surface salinity (SSS) was lowered. The most severe drought of the past 7,000 years devastated the Yucatan Peninsula. Large Maya cities collapsed in four phases of abandonment spaced about fifty years apart around a.d. 760, 810, 860, and 910. A new core taken from Lake Chichancanab in Quintana Roo shows three peak episodes of brutal drought within a 150- to 200-year drought. A marine core from the Cariaco Basin off Venezuela precisely dates four severe drought episodes to 760, 810, 860, and 910, coincident with the four phases of abandonment of cities. The long-term drought appears to have lasted from 760 to 930 in the Cariaco Basin. The climatic changes were the most drastic the Maya had faced in the preceding 1,500 years and the most severe of the preceding 7,000 years.

Dental indicators of health and subsistence for Postclassic Maya from the island site of Wild Cane Cay, off the coast of southern Belize, are examined. A total of 213 teeth were recovered from 26 individuals in Fighting Conch Mound. This survey documents dental wear, calculus, alveolar resorption, caries, and alveolar abscesses. This study excludes deciduous teeth. The total sample examined in this study contains 188 teeth from 19 adults. In general, the dental sample indicates a healthier diet than what the inland contemporaries of the Fighting Conch Mound individuals were consuming, as shown by lower rates of several pathologies. The dental data support the interpretation that the healthy diet of the Wild Cane Cay Maya was a function of their island setting in the Caribbean. Plant and animal remains generally corroborate the dental findings.

This paper explores the production of Late to Terminal Classic Ulua marble vases (ca. 600/650–800/850 a.d.), the hallmark luxury good from the lower Ulua Valley of northwestern Honduras. Unlike other areas of the greater Maya world, no one center appears to have held political sway in the valley. Yet marble-vase production at Travesia indicates that, through the patronization of this specific artifact, the site was able to celebrate its identity at home as well as abroad. Here the long-term production of the vases is investigated through a detailed analysis of stylistic groups and corresponding stable-isotope signatures from vases and potential procurement zones. The stylistic data suggest centralized production, which is confirmed through chemical signatures of vases and one specific procurement site. We argue that longstanding traditions of carving vases from marble in the Ulua Valley guided Travesian artisans in their procurement choices. The stylistic and chemical data augment settlement and ceramic data to situate vase production in its local social and political environment. In this case, luxury production corresponds not to a rise in central political authority but, rather, to a centrally located social center. The prestige granted to these luxury vases, then, stems from local histories of social and political networks that linked, rather than fragmented, communities. The results indicate that studies of material-cultural remains should consider the relationships between distinctive local social relations and the organization of craft production as integrative, not separate, processes.