Seventy-five votive reliefs have been identified from the survey of the Balboura city site and the west part of its territory. Several reliefs include inscriptions, yielding crucial information about their date and function in Greco-Roman northern Lycia; these are studied by N. P. Milner in the epigraphical appendix. This paper presents a catalogue of the reliefs, an analysis of the iconographic types and distribution outside the survey area, and an examination of their location and function. Prior to extensive survey of the Balboura area many of the reliefs were undiscovered and unpublished. This treatment of the votive reliefs aims to increase our knowledge of religious life and art at Balboura—first during its period of hellenisation (from c. 200 B.C.), and later as a small urban centre of the eastern Roman Empire. The majority of reliefs are rock-cut and remain in situ; the others are carved on slabs. The general condition of the reliefs is poor. Many are badly weathered, as well as being of a generally low artistic standard.

Accessed in late 1964 into Burdur Museum not long after the latter had been formally constituted, inv. no. 292 is the only inscribed monument there which bears the word paramone. This rectangular marble bomos with a phiale top, corner acroteria and a decorative moulding around its outer edge, carries relief decoration and text on all four faces. The monument warrants a little more discussion than can be allowed in the catalogue which we are preparing of the inscriptions in that Museum. No provenance is stated in the Museum Inventory register; we must settle on a general origin within the province of Pisidia.

Situated on the outskirts of the modern town of Kadirli is the best preserved late Roman church in eastern Cilicia. Its characteristics of design and construction are of pivotal significance for addressing the development of early Christian architecture in the region, as it represents the archetype of a definable group of churches in the upper Cilician plain, which link the building traditions of Syria with those of Anatolia and the southern shores. As it stands today, this structure known as the Alacami displays over a millennium and a half of local history, the liturgy of three different faiths and even more transitional building phases. In 1949 a full measured survey of the building was conducted by Michael and Mary Gough who in the same year were working at nearby Anazarbus. The results were never published and remained lost until 1994 when work commenced on cataloguing the Gough archive. The following study presents the full details of the Gough's survey for the first time and provides a detailed discussion of the monument in context, charting its development from the Roman period to the present day.

Since the discovery of the Midas Monument in the nineteenth century, Phrygian civilisation has emerged as an area of great scientific interest, and research has provided important evidence for Phrygian religion by studying the rock monuments, which reflect the artistic discernment of that period by their workmanship and architectural details. Though the connection of these rock monuments with the Great Mother has been made plain, the function of some details has not yet been adequately explained. One of these details is the vertical shafts that are found behind the façades of certain monuments. In this paper it is proposed to discuss the functions and use of these shafts and their relation to the monuments.

In 1991 a crew of American, Canadian, and Turkish researchers began a new and comprehensive survey in the Muş Province of Eastern Turkey. The goal of the survey was to study the evolution of settlement and landuse in a marginal zone at the intersection of four great culture areas of the Middle East: Central Anatolia, Western Iran, the Transcaucasus, and Mesopotamia.

This area of Eastern Turkey had been visited previously by I. K. Kökten in 1940s (1947) and Charles Burney in 1950s (1958). Given the large area these surveyors covered and their limited means of transportation, and given the newly excavated material coming from north of the great Taurus mountain massif and from Van (e.g., Sagona 1994, Sagona et al 1992, Çilingiroğlu 1987, 1988), a more comprehensive effort appeared warranted. The first season was six weeks in duration. During that time we re-visited 17 of the sites found by Kökten and Burney, and located 11 new sites. A second season was launched in 1993 with the aim of covering areas not surveyed previously (see Figure 1), mostly in the northern foothills and higher elevations near Hamurpet Lake. Unfortunately, conditions did not permit us to do a second season, nor is a season in the very near future likely. We, therefore, will be publishing the results we have already arrived at, aware that our sample is not complete.

The Hittite kings were the first to record the events of their reigns in annalistic form, beginning, it seems, with the first king of the Empire, Tudhaliyas I/II. His successors continued the practice, and annals are preserved for Arnuwandas I, Suppiluliumas I (composed by his son), and above all for Mursilis II. There is no reason to think that the following kings were any less proud of their achievements, but Muwatallis II's archives have not yet been discovered, nor has any continuous text been found for the reign of Hattusilis III. For the reigns of Tudhaliyas IV and Suppiluliumas II (nothing is known of Arnuwandas III) it seems that with the development of the “hieroglyphic” script and the Luwian language these kings adopted the practice of inscribing their “deeds” (LÙ-natar “manliness”) in a new form beginning “I am …” on monumental inscriptions or commemorative statues.

The site of the southern Pisidian city of Panemoteichos was located by a fortunate discovery in 1993. Excavations to lay the foundations of a new mosque at Boğazköy, a village close to the southern boundary of Burdur vilayet one kilometre east of the Burdur-Antalya highway, exposed a quantity of cut limestone blocks and two Greek inscriptions, one a dedication to the emperor Septimius Severus, the other a mid 3rd century A.D. statue base in honour of C. Iulius Sempronius Visellius, who had served in the Roman army and risen to become high-priest of the emperors in his local community, which the text named as ὁ δῆμοs ὁ Πανεμοτειχειτῶν. Four fragments of the statue itself, including the head, were also recovered. The find thus resolved a long-standing problem of Pisidian topography. Panemoteichos was located at the north-east edge of the highland valley (ancient Greek aulôn), which begins at the narrow pass traversed by the modern highway (the boğaz of Boğazköy) and extends to the Çubuk boğaz to the south (see map, Fig. 1). At the same time a rapid reconnaissance of the hill east of the village revealed fortifications and numerous other remains of an ancient settlement (Pl. XVII a).

İmamoğlu Höyük was situated in the Euphrates basin, ca. 15 km. northeast of Malatya in south east Turkey (Fig. 1). On account of the construction of a dam at Karakaya on the Euphrates, salvage excavations were carried out at the site from 1980 to 1987 under the direction of Edibe Uzunoğlu of İstanbul Archaeology Museums. In the 1986 excavation season, some Early Bronze Age remains (dated between 2300–2000 B.C.) were recovered. These remains included carbonised plant material, consisting principally of barley and pea. The five samples of plant remains were collected from the floors of buildings in squares 7H and 7I.

It was a great privilege in the early stages of a connection with archaeological field work to be asked by Seton Lloyd to return to the British Institute in Ankara to take charge of the architectural recording of the excavations planned for Beycesultan in July 1954. Several years previously I had assisted Seton Lloyd as field architect at Sultan Tepe and in the interim had been concerned (inter alia) with Byzantine buildings (in Cyprus). Thus it was at the very beginning of the excavations at Beycesultan when some ornamented Byzantine blocks were seen lying around on the surface of the mound and others were recovered in the initial clearances, Seton Lloyd suggested that I occupy any available time by recording this material with a view to working it up for eventual publication. This I did to the best of my limited knowledge and abilities. However the matter proceeded no more directly to a final outcome than a great deal of other archaeological publication. After 1956 duties took me elsewhere and in subsequent seasons the pressure of work on the extensive Bronze Age site was so great that the Byzantine fragments no longer came into the reckoning. Then at several junctures after the excavations were concluded the material was discussed, but no convenient opportunities were forthcoming for its proper publication. Therefore it is now encouraging to be allowed to give some illustrated account of these interesting pieces in Anatolian Studies.

Das anläßlich einer Versorgungskrise im pisidischen Antiochia erlassene Edikt des Statthalters L. Antistius Rusticus zählt zu den bekanntesten lateinischen Inschriften der römischen Kaiserzeit. Seit seiner Entdeckung und Veröffentlichung in den Jahren 1924 und 1925 wurde es in zahlreiche Auswahlsammlungen aufgenommen und wiederholt in moderne Sprachen übersetzt; kaum eine moderne Darstellung der Wirtschaftsgeschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit versäumt es, wenigstens am Rande auf das Edikt hinzuweisen. Indessen ist das Edikt längst nicht so gut erforscht, wie sein Bekanntheitsgrad vermuten lassen könnte: Zentrale Fragen seiner Interpretation werden in der Literatur zwar äußerst unterschiedlich beantwortet, doch niemals systematisch diskutiert. Schon bald nach Bekanntwerden der Inschrift konzentrierte sich das Interesse auf die Laufbahn des Antistius Rusticus, die seither immer wieder behandelt wurde und daher als so weit geklärt gelten kann, wie dies beim gegenwärtigen Stand unserer Kenntnisse überhaupt möglich erscheint. Als Dokument der Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte ist es jedoch seit der hitzigen Kontroverse der beiden Erstherausgeber David Robinson und William Ramsay nicht mehr zum Gegenstand einer Untersuchung gemacht worden. Dieses Versäumnis will der vorliegende Beitrag nachholen.

The clarification of when and in what circumstances the various Hellenistic cities of Pisidia were founded is an important undertaking. Through the microcosm of Pisidia, such study throws valuable light upon the way in which Anatolia became hellenized. Pisidia is especially important because at the beginning of the Hellenistic period the Pisidians were hardly touched by either hellenism or urbanism. They were bellicose raiders who constituted a threat to their more urbanised neighbours. Many of the cities of Hellenistic Pisidia seem to have been established with the deliberate intention of pacifying the region.

In a recent issue of Anatolian Studies Stephen Mitchell dealt with, among others, the Pisidian city of Cretopolis. Cretopolis is of interest for several reasons, in particular because it seems to be one of the earliest military foundations of the Hellenistic period, and because the name informs us that the city was settled by Cretans. Cretans were frequently employed as mercenaries throughout the Hellenistic period, but in antiquity, as in more recent periods, Cretans made very reluctant colonists. There are very few individual Cretans attested as colonists in Egypt or elsewhere, and very few attested Cretan colonies indeed.