The clarification of when and in what circumstances the various Hellenistic cities of Pisidia were founded is an important undertaking. Through the microcosm of Pisidia, such study throws valuable light upon the way in which Anatolia became hellenized. Pisidia is especially important because at the beginning of the Hellenistic period the Pisidians were hardly touched by either hellenism or urbanism. They were bellicose raiders who constituted a threat to their more urbanised neighbours. Many of the cities of Hellenistic Pisidia seem to have been established with the deliberate intention of pacifying the region.

In a recent issue of Anatolian Studies Stephen Mitchell dealt with, among others, the Pisidian city of Cretopolis. Cretopolis is of interest for several reasons, in particular because it seems to be one of the earliest military foundations of the Hellenistic period, and because the name informs us that the city was settled by Cretans. Cretans were frequently employed as mercenaries throughout the Hellenistic period, but in antiquity, as in more recent periods, Cretans made very reluctant colonists. There are very few individual Cretans attested as colonists in Egypt or elsewhere, and very few attested Cretan colonies indeed.

Dr. Barnett has long taken an interest in the recovery of Mesopotamian mythology, and many is the time that he has suggested to us that the enigmatic scene on a cylinder-seal represents “a myth now lost”. It is a pleasure therefore to dedicate to him the first edition of a newly recovered fragment of an Old Babylonian myth concerning the fixing of the destiny of Girra, the god of fire and giver of light to man, after his defeat of Elamatum.

BM 78962 (Bu 89-4-26, 257) is one of a collection of tablets purchased by E. A. W. Budge in Baghdad, and said by him to include tablets from Sippar and Tell ed-Der. The collection includes the Old Babylonian Atrahasis tablets BM 78941 and 78942, the provenance of which has been discussed by Lambert and Millard. It seems reasonable to assume that BM 78962 like them comes from Sippar or Tell ed-Der and to date it on palaeographical grounds to the reign of Ammisaduqa or thereabouts. The content of the tablet was quite obscured by dirt and salt until 1973 when it was baked and cleaned by Mr. C. A. Bateman.

The object of this paper is to re-examine the Greek literary traditions concerning a Phrygian migration from Europe to Asia Minor and the early movements of that people within Asia Minor, also allusions to these traditions in local legends and coin-types of the Roman period. Such archaeological and philological evidence as there may be for a migration is not considered: a superficial examination would seem to indicate that neither of these disciplines can yet suggest a clearcut picture of population movement which we can relate to that presented by the literary evidence, and I am not qualified to take part in the creation of one. Without supporting evidence from either of these disciplines it must be emphasised that the historicity of the events recorded in the traditions must remain open to doubt. The discussion that follows is concerned with the development of the traditions, especially that which we shall call the “Anatolian tradition”, as purely literary constructions, not as historical accounts.

This paper considers the architectural design of a group of three buildings erected on what is commonly called the ‘acropolis’ of Xanthus in Lycia in the second quarter of the fifth century BC – a time of increasing social, political and economic complexity in this corner of the Aegean/eastern Mediterranean. Although, as the first examples of stone imitations of timber architecture, these buildings are often mentioned in discussions about the origins of Lycian ‘house tombs’ and sometimes summarily discussed in terms of their function, the architectural phenomenon that these buildings represent has not received extensive consideration. Here it is argued that their genesis can be located in the building of a monumentalised skyline, potentially drawing on other cities’ acropoleis as models. In addition to this, the buildings also represent quite new commemorative practices. It is proposed that these three innovative structures could be related to a broader practice of erecting monuments to honour city founders in prominent public spaces. In this way, both the terms ‘acropolis’ and ‘heroa’ – loaded terms usually only loosely applied in the literature on these monuments – may be useful for capturing the peculiar qualities of the architectural projects that transformed Kuprlli’s Xanthus.

The historiography of the later Roman Empire has emphasised the centripetal results of Christianisation, in which the new religion completed the earlier Hellenisation and destroyed independent languages, histories and notions of identity in Anatolia and much of Syria. However, the discourse of ethnic origins, drawn from Christian stories as well as the Classical past, allowed different kinds of cultural independence to survive this process on the edges of the Empire. While more famous cases are provided by the Armenians, Suryoye and Goths, here I examine an ultimately unsuccessful attempt at historical invention and cultural independence, that of the Isaurians from the end of the fifth century. I begin by discussing the stereotypes employed by a Roman élite to distinguish themselves from ‘barbarians’, both within and outside the empire, before examining the attempts of Isaurians to contest this in history and hagiography.

The ritual text published by H. Otten as K.U.B. XXXVI 89 + 88 is of great interest both for its linguistic and lexicographical difficulties and for the religious importance of the myth which it contains. This myth is concerned with the Weather-god of Nerik, and although the state of the tablet is too poor for a complete reconstruction to be made, the mutilated fragment that remains bears a striking resemblance to the well-known Telipinus-myth. It begins (obv. 12) with the withdrawal of the Weather-god in anger.

In 1957 the team from Pennsylvania University Museum excavating at Gordion in Phrygia entered the wooden burial chamber in the “Midas Mound”, the largest of the tumuli that dot the plain of the Sakarya. Inside they discovered the body of a man of 60–65 years, 1·59 m. (5′ 2½″) tall, lying on a bed, and surrounded by over 350 bronze vessels and ornaments, three iron stands, wooden furniture and a little pottery. Despite its traditional name, the excavator, Professor Rodney Young, doubted whether the tomb was indeed that of the most famous king of Phrygia, the Midas who according to Eusebius ruled from 738 to 696 B.C., which agrees with the Assyrian records: that king's reign ended with the destruction of his city by the invading Cimmerians. In some accounts the king committed suicide by drinking bull's blood, in others he was killed in the sack. Young believed that after this disaster the Phrygians could not have afforded so wealthy a burial nor so large a tumulus (it still measures some 53 m. high, and was originally 70 or 80 m. in height), and he preferred Midas' predecessor Gordios as the likely occupant of the tomb.

In 1968–69, three Phrygian tumuli in the vicinity of Ankara were excavated under the auspices of the Middle East Technical University and under the general supervision of Professor Ekrem Akurgal. The evidence from these tombs was initially examined from a purely archaeological standpoint. Recently, however, some of the metal findings were subjected to study through the application of physical and chemical analyses. The results have led to a re-examination of original conclusions drawn from the archaeological evidence.

In this paper, we present some of the results which have been obtained through these metallurgical analyses. But first, we would like to provide some general background information about the artifacts and about the locations at which they were found.

During the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. Ankara appears to have been the second most important Phrygian city after Gordion. Explorations in Ankara have revealed approximately twenty tumuli, dating from the eighth century to the middle of the sixth century B.C.

For over a century, the names “Schliemann” and “Troy” have been virtually synonymous, and the story of Schliemann's boyhood dream to discover Troy has gripped the imagination of millions. This romantic tale, though created for a different purpose, effectively obscures the fact that Schliemann would never have excavated Hissarlik—then the suspected site of Troy—had it not been for Frank Calvert, a man of whom, thanks in large part to Schliemann's misrepresentations, few people had ever heard. Only in recent years, when Schliemann's claims were finally examined impartially, has there been any appreciation of the debt Schliemann owed to Calvert, and of Calvert's own archaeological achievements. Today, Calvert's contributions to other fields of scientific study are beginning to be mentioned, but Calvert himself still remains virtually unknown.

Frank Calvert was a pivotal figure in the history of the Troad. He deserves recognition for a number of reasons, not the least of which is the fact that he prepared the ground for Schliemann and, by his generosity and constant assistance to Schliemann, enabled him to transform himself with such spectacular success from a businessman into an archaeologist.

Ancient Urartu is rightly celebrated for its fine bronzework, examples of which have been found at such sites as Toprak Kale, Altıntepe, Karmir Blur and Kayalidere. While a good deal has been written about the stylistic and typological implications of these bronzes, however, very little attention has been paid to metallurgical or technological considerations. Thus, it seems important to publish as soon as possible a series of analyses made some time ago but not hitherto made available. The material analysed comes from Toprak Kale, Altıntepe and Patnos, and dates between the 9th and 7th centuries B.C. The objects are either in the British Museum (BM) or in the Ankara Archaeological Museum (AAM). Drillings from the latter were obtained by Dr Arthur Steinberg of M.I.T., to whom thanks are due for generously allowing us to publish the results.

The Urartian castle Ayanıs was built on a hill which stretches eventually to the water, 35km north of Van, near to a village called Aǧartı (old Ayanıs)and 250m inland from Lake Van. An inscription (Çilingiroǧlu, Salvini 1995) on the front of a monumental door that was unearthed at the southeast corner of the castle during the 1993 excavations proved that the castle was built by Rusa (Rusa II), son of Argišti, named as Rusahinili Eiduru-kai (‘Rusahinili in front of Eiduru mountain’). Our suggestion that Eiduru mountain can be equated with Süphan mountain (Çilingiroǧlu, Salvini 1995: 120) is strengthened with new information from the 16m-long inscription found on the façade of the Ayanıs temple. This inscription not only shows that Eiduru mountain gave the castle its name, but also that Eiduru was a god to whom sacrifices were made. We therefore need to add the god Eiduru to the list of Meher Kapı Gods.

A second season of survey work at Sagalassus and Cremna in Pisidia was started on 2 July and continued until 12 August 1986. This was the most recent instalment of a project to carry out detailed archaeological and architectural studies of the surviving remains of the Graeco–Roman cities of this region. Between 1982 and 1984 we had worked at the Roman colony of Pisidian Antioch, and a final report is nearing completion. In 1985, we began at Cremna, another Roman colony, with the intention of complementing the excavation of the site carried out in the early 1970s by a team from Istanbul University led by Professor Jale İnan, and also spent a few days of preliminary reconnaissance at the metropolis of Roman Pisidia, Sagalassus (see AS. XXXVI, 1986, 8–10). All the field work has been funded by the British Academy, the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, the Roman Society, and the Craven Committee of Oxford University. In 1986 the team worked at Sagalassus until 24 July, thereafter we were at Cremna. The participants were Dr. Stephen Mitchell, Dr. Marc Waelkens, Dr. Gregory Horsley, Dr. Edwin Owens, Mr. Robin Fursdon (chief surveyor), Roger Bruton, Mark Critchley, Helen Thackray (student surveyors), Roger and Miranda McKearney.

The treaty of a Hittite king, whose name is lost, with Ulmi-Tešub, king of Tarhuntassa (KBo. IV 10 + KUB XL 69 + 1548/u, CTH 106) is a complex and problematic document. Published as a hand-copy by Forrer in 1920, no modern edition of the text has yet appeared in print. It contains an unusually full description of the boundaries of Ulmi-Tešub's vassal kingdom, and in order to provide a sound basis for the reconstruction of Hittite political geography I contributed a translation of the boundary description and of most of the other clauses to John Garstang's book The Geography of the Hittite Empire in 1959. J. Lorenz, a student of Marburg University, prepared an edition in 1986 as a dissertation, but this has remained unpublished. The same is true of a similar edition prepared in 1989 for the University of Amsterdam by T. van den Hout, though this is understood to have gone to press. Dr. van den Hout, however, has published his views on this treaty in some detail in an article “A Chronology of the Tarhuntassa Treaties” in JCS 41 (1989), 100–14, where he introduces the text in his first sentence as “KBo 4 10 (CTH 106), the treaty between Tudhaliya IV and Ulmi-Tešub, king of Tarhuntassa”.

This paper presents and discusses four Latin tombstones relating to Italian residents of medieval Ephesus that have been recovered from properties on the terrace of Ayasuluk (Selçuk), near the Byzantine Church of St John the Evangelist. Two of them, dating from the late 14th century, were originally published in 1937, while the other two, from the mid- 15th century, came to light more recently in January 2017.

The ongoing excavations initiated in 2003 on the Tepecik acropolis at Patara have brought to light many noteworthy results concerning the somewhat obscure history and archaeology of Archaic Patara. The very rich pottery finds confirming the Archaic dating of the building complex are particularly important. The building complex, which was not used during the late Hellenistic, Roman or Byzantine periods, presents a good example of Archaic planning with its well-preserved foundations. In this study, the excavation work conducted on this building complex is introduced together with the associated finds.

The following article discusses the archaeometrical dimension of a well-known Early Bronze Age metal figurine from Hasanoğlan, Turkey, on permanent display in the Anatolian Civilisations Museum in Ankara. The transfer of the object to a new display case allowed for an examination with a portable x-ray fluorescence (P-XRF) device in order to reveal the chemical composition of the statuette and its attached ornaments. The figurine was confirmed to be made of silver. However, it is alloyed with a small but still substantial amount of copper. The applications are basically made of gold, but with a suspected substantial (up to 23%) amount of silver involved. The final section of the article is dedicated to a critical comparison with recently published figurines from Alaca Höyük, together with an archaeological and chronological reappraisal of this unique piece of art.

This article explores the battle scene on a small bronze plaque recovered during the 19th-century excavation of Pergamon, initially published in 1913 and subsequently lost. It argues that the most likely identification of the scene is the Battle of Magnesia, fought in 190 BC. The scene features Attalid cavalry riding to the rescue of distressed Roman legionaries, both fighting in opposition to Antiochus the Great's heavy phalanx and Gallic cavalry. The heroics of the Attalid cavalry are central to the scene, and likely reflect a courtly narrative that gave Eumenes II and his small contingent outsized credit for the joint victory.

This article presents the discovery of two fragmentary inscriptions which demonstrate the existence of an unknown naos of Zeus Sarnendenos in the northern part of the Choria Considiana, an extensive imperial estate in northeastern Phrygia. It also presents a votive offering to Zeus Sarnendenos and five new votive inscriptions to Zeus Akreinenos found in the village of Kozlu near İkizafer (ancient Akreina?), which was apparently part of another estate, belonging to the Roman senatorial family of the Plancii, situated to the east of the Choria Considiana. These inscriptions were found during the course of an epigraphic survey carried out in 2015 in Mihalıççık, a region located 90km to the northeast of Eskişehir in modern Turkey. The article consists of three main parts. It begins with an introduction to the historical and geographical backgrounds of the survey area; this is followed by a catalogue of inscriptions and, finally, an analysis of the sanctuary of Zeus Sarnendenos and the new votive offerings to Zeus Akreinenos, with reference to other evidence for the cult of Zeus in Phrygia and neighbouring regions. The inscriptions discovered in this area provide new information about the location and dispersal of the cult of Zeus in northeastern Phrygia.

The rock-cut church of Al Oda (the Red Room) does not seem to have been visited in the past by any European traveller. In September, 1953, on the advice of Bay Neşri Atlay, then headmaster of the Primary School at Mut, a party consisting of Mr. and Mrs. Michael Gough, Mr. Michael Ballance and Mr. David Wilson visited the site and made a preliminary investigation. It was then decided to carry out a full examination at a later date, and this was done in August, 1955. The work was under the immediate charge of Mr. Martin Harrison of Lincoln College, Oxford, who also made reproductions in water-colour of some of the paintings and of the mosaics.

The work at Taşkun Mevkii consists to date of two seasons, 1970 and 1971. A third and final season is projected for the summer of 1973. Excavation in 1970 was restricted to a series of slots and one 4 × 4 m. square at the northern edge of the site in order to test the depth of occupation and to establish preliminary phasing (Fig. 1). On this basis the area was expanded in 1971 to expose structures, particularly of Phase 3 which had proved to be most rewarding in 1970. It was found that the first season's phasing was substantially accurate, requiring only minor adjustments of Phase 1.

Phase 1 (Fig. 2, plan; Fig. 8, section)

(a) In 1970 painted pottery appeared in topsoil, thus linking the top of Taşkun Mevkii with Aşvan Kale and other sites in the area. The painted designs found at Taşkun Mevkii are represented on whole pots from Aşvan Kale (see French and Helms, below, p. 157, Fig. 5). It is now clear that this final occupation exists only in pits cut from topsoil or above and hence no contemporary occupation surfaces could be found in the area excavated.