The excavations at Can Hasan were continued this year from 1st September to 6th October. Work, however, went on until October 16th on section drawing, photography, packing and storing. Further repairs were made to the fence enclosing the site and measures taken for the conservation of the site during the winter. Maintenance work was carried out on the dig house. As in the previous year, the excavation bekçi continues to live in the house during the winter months.

Those assisting in this year's excavations were Messrs. S. Payne and J. N. Postgate, field assistants and the Misses E. A. Dowman, A. C. Hird, S. M. Page and R. J. Worth, house assistants. Mr. Payne again had charge of the obsidian material; Miss Dowman was in charge of registration and conservation and Miss Worth of pottery. Bay Hayrettin Solmaz represented the Turkish Government. For most of the season we employed about eight men from the village.

The First Season's excavating at Sultantepe, occupying a period of four weeks in May–June 1951, has already received preliminary notices in Anatolian Studies, II, etc. The mound (see Figure 1), which is situated at a distance of 10 miles from Urfa on the road leading to the ruins of ancient Harran, is too conspicuous a landmark to have escaped the notice of travelling scholars in the past; but no record of their visits has ever been published and its selection for excavations in 1951 was the result of a systematic investigation into the historical topography of the Harran region, initiated by the Institute in the summer of 1950 (cf. Anatolian Studies, I, pp. 77 ff.).

The excavations were resumed on 8th May 1952 and the second season's work lasted until 20th June. The field-directorship was again jointly in the hands of Bay Nuri Gökçe, Director of the Hittite Museum at Ankara, and Mr. Seton Lloyd, Director of the Institute. They were assisted on this occasion by Dr. O. R. Gurney, as epigraphist, Mr. J. D. Evans (Institute Fellow for 1951–52), and Bay Burhan Tozcan, as field-assistants, and Mr. G. R. H. Wright, as architect.

The pottery discussed here was collected by C. A. Burney during his survey in 1956 and in 1965. We would like to express our thanks to Charles Burney for valuable discussion and for encouraging publication of the material. We have also profited from discussion with Drs. Ayşe Gürsan-Salzman, Mitchell Rothman, and A. G. Sagona. The opinions expressed are, however, our own. Richard Bayliss prepared the illustrations.

The material from Tepeköy has not previously been published. Some of the other sherds appear in Russell's study (1980) and this has been indicated in the catalogue. All the sherds are stored in the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, each clearly marked.

In the course of excavating a well-preserved late Roman bath building at Anemurium (modern Eski Anamur) during the summer of 1968 a large hoard of some six hundred and fifty whole terracotta lamps plus fragments were found stacked in a disused hypocaust system. Since that time many fragments of similar lamps and a mould have also been discovered in other parts of the site in mixed fills containing pottery of the fifth to mid-seventh centuries A.D. As few lamps of similar types have been published from the eastern Mediterranean from datable contexts the value of the Anamur hoard both as a chronological indicator and as a stage in the development of late Byzantine and early Islamic lamps is evident.

Although no datable material was found with the lamps themselves the abandonment of such a considerable body of material may perhaps be best explained by events at the site in the mid-seventh century. At this time the city seems to have been deserted, probably as a result of Arab raids on the coastal cities of Cilicia, and was only briefly reoccupied six centuries later. As there are no marks of burning on any of the lamps and as some filling and wick holes are incompletely punched through, the hoard may well be the stock of a shop or merchant hastily put away at some moment of danger and never reclaimed.

The sixth season of excavations at Can Hasan took place between 28th August and 30th September. Additional work on storing and arranging the non-registered materials from the excavations continued until 12 th October. All materials other than the registered objects from the 1961 to the 1966 seasons are now stored in the depot at Can Hasan. These are the sherds, animal bones, heavy stone objects, the samples of stone, clay and other materials. They are stored by year and by category in locked storerooms in the dig house. In addition to the house bekçi there is now a full-time official bekçi for the Hüyük and for other hüyüks in the neighbourhood.

In the 1966 excavations Messrs. D. C. Biernoff, S. Payne and J. N. Postgate were field assistants; Mrs. Payne took charge of the work in the house, assisted by Mr. C. Slack and the Misses M. Bell, C. Prater, and T. Harrington-Smith. In addition Mrs. Payne had charge of the pottery; Mr. Payne of the obsidian, Miss Harrington-Smith of registration and Mr. Slack and Miss Bell of conservation and pottery mending. Bay Bedri Yalman from the Konya Museum represented the Turkish Government.

The present study incorporates the results of work which I did on the KULULU lead strips in Ankara in the spring of 1978. There by the kind permission of Professor Tahsin Özgüç I was enabled to examine all the lead strips thoroughly. The texts presented here are based on tracings of collated photographs of the strips made at that time. I am most grateful to Professor Özgüç for his help and encouragement.

The manuscript of this article was submitted to Belleten for publication in 1979, but due to unforeseen circumstances has remained unpublished until the present. It has therefore been decided to publish it in the present form without further delay. Since the original submission of the manuscript to Belleten, however, two major contributions on the KULULU lead strips have appeared:

(1) Sargon Erdem: “Le strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Studia Mediterranea Piero Meriggi dicata (ed. O. Carruba; Pavia, 1979), 143–164);

(2) Piero Meriggi and Massimo Poetto: “Note alle strisce di piombo di KULULU” (Investigationes Philologicae et Comparativae: GS für Heinz Kronasser (ed. E. Neu; Wiesbaden, 1982), 97–115).

Between 1982 and 1996 a group of rock-cut votive reliefs was discovered during archaeological survey in Pisidia under the direction of Stephen Mitchell and the sponsorship of the British Institute (of Archaeology) at Ankara. The types represented include a horseman deity, perhaps Kakasbos, the Dioscuri with ‘goddess’ and the moon-god Men. The reliefs are discussed according to their cults and iconography, and their contribution to art and religion both locally and beyond. As a religious phenomenon, they are further considered in relation to both regional traditions and empire-wide practices. It is suggested that reliefs of this type, that are associated with the protection of mortals, should also be viewed as part of the history of devotional art and added to discussions of rock art that extend beyond the Greek and Roman worlds. A detailed catalogue of the reliefs, organised by iconographic type, concludes the article.

The presence of imported and locally produced Mycenaean pottery in western Anatolia has long caught the attention of scholars, and various explanatory models have been proposed to explain the apparent attractiveness of the pottery. In most cases, however, emphasis is placed on the (stylistic) differences between Mycenaean pottery and the various local plain wares, and it is assumed that these differences were actively recognised by local communities and exploited in the formation of social identities. This paper, however, pilots a different approach that focuses not on the stylistic differences between Mycenaean pottery and the various Anatolian wares but on the (perceived) common ground(s) between them and argues that the attractiveness of Mycenaean, and previously Minoan pottery, lay not so much in its cultural origins or its ‘foreignness’ as in its potential to fit in with existing local material assemblages and enhance a sense of communality among cosmopolitan communities.

In 1968 the Bezalel National Museum of Jerusalem, Israel — now incorporated into the Israel Museum — acquired a small but splendid and significant piece of ancient jewellery. As it came from the art-market in New York, it is thus unfortunately without provenance. I now publish it by kind permission of the Chief Curator of Archaeology, Mrs. Miriam Tadmor, and the Curator of the Department of Neighbouring Cultures, Mrs. Rivka Merhav.

Here is, first, the technical description of the piece.

A figure representing a goddess, nude, four-winged and facing frontally is holding in each hand a bunch of grapes. She is raised in relief from the background of an almost square electrum plaque, framed by a plaited wire border set between plain wire on each side. The frame is decorated on each of its four sides with large globules, numbering eight in all, surrounded by granulation. The goddess formerly had long hair falling in two locks of coiled wire one each side of her face (one of these — that on the right, which showed signs of being melted, has been lost before the object first appeared on the market, presumably in antiquity (Plates VIII, IXa)).

It is with great pleasure that I dedicate this short piece to Dr. Barnett. It was his original article, entitled “Monkey Business”, that led to this attempt to find out a little more about monkeys in ancient Mesopotamia.

In the collection of terracottas from Ur now in the British Museum there appear three types of moulded relief plaque depicting a man with monkeys. As far as I am aware, except for one plaque without a provenance, all the known examples come from Ur.

All the plaques clearly show a man with either one or two monkeys.

Type 1 (Pl. XXIVa) shows a bearded man facing right. He wears a close-fitting cap with a wide band and a wraparound skirt down to the calf, with a fringed side edge and a belt. He is bare-chested. In his left hand he holds a lead which is attached to the neckrings of two monkeys, one on his shoulder, the other seated in front of him playing a flute. In his bent right hand the man holds a folded-over object, perhaps another musical instrument (?clappers), possibly to be played by the second monkey which sits on the man's shoulder clutching his cap with its head snuggling down on the head of the man. Both monkeys are long-tailed.

There are three examples of this type of plaque in the museum, one almost complete and two fragmentary.

This article is the result, not of weeks of intensive field survey, but of three days borrowed from other work in order to check specific topographical points. My thanks are due to Mr. Gough for company and transport to Sidrova in 1958; to Leverhulme Awards and the Royal Geographical Society, who made possible the reconnaissance of western Cappadocia in 1961 that included the visit to Başmakçı; and to Mr. G. D. B. Jones for his help at Başmakçı and for the photographs reproduced as Pl. XXVIII, a and c.

The discovery in 1956, at Kerti Hüyük between Aşıran, Beydilli and Salur, of a Derbetan dedication to Antoninus Pius, showed that Derbe was to be sought to the north-east rather than to the west of Laranda. The lack, at Kerti Hüyük, of any evidence of Byzantine settlement was, however, against its being the actual site, and our visit to Sidrova in 1958 was made with the intention of finding an alternative.

It is now forty years since Oliver Gurney published his dissertation entilted “Hittite Prayers of Mursili II”. His careful analysis of the texts as well as his translation have stood the test of time admirably. While writing, Gurney learned about the prayers to the Sungod which had been found in the 1930s, but their publication came too late for inclusion in his work. Since then much has been written about these recent finds and their relation to the texts of Muršili. On this happy occasion I want to offer to my friend a hitherto unpublished fragment which forms part of the prayer to the Sungoddess of Arinna (KUB 24.3), completing the beginning of column ii. It was H. Otten who recognized it as belonging to that tablet; he must have communicated this fact to E. Laroche, who included it as 544/u under nr. 376, A, in the second edition (1971) of his Catalogue des textes hittites (CTH).

A large scale archaeological excavation was commenced in 1989, as part of the “Mamilla Project”, an urban re-development project carried out in the area to the west of Jaffa Gate, Jerusalem, Israel (Fig. 2). During the course of the first (1989) season, several complexes of buildings dating from the Late Byzantine and Early Ummayad periods were discovered. These buildings were part of the extra-mural quarters of Jerusalem at the time, and for the most part, were industrial and mercantile in nature.

In area A2 of the excavations (Fig. 3), a row of shops was discovered. Of particular interest was the shop comprised of rooms L164 and L153, which contained several different types of installations, including what appeared to be washing basins and a bread-oven (Pl. XXXV (a)). In this shop a large collection of diverse finds was discovered, including a sizeable amount of local and imported pottery, coins, glass and additional small finds. This assemblage was securely dated to the mid-seventh century CE, i.e. the terminal Byzantine period and the incipient stages of the Ummayad dynasty.

Recent excavations conducted by Canadian teams at the site of Anemurium (Eski Anamur) on the coast of Rough Cilicia in southern Asia Minor have uncovered a number of substantial structures including an interesting group extending to the east of the largest baths of the city. This complex consists of several distinct areas clearly forming part of a unified plan (Fig. 1). Mosaic pavement of geometric design decorated much of the floor space of the building, which has now been identified as the palaestra of the adjoining Baths. The identification has been facilitated greatly by two inscribed mosaic panels that are worthy of special note.

The first was discovered in 1970 at the western extremity of a long narrow series of rectangular panels decorated in various geometric patterns. This formed the southern wing of a continuous corridor of mosaic, possibly roofed, that enclosed on three sides (north, east and south) the open-air courtyard of the palaestra. The western end of the area was closed by a wall separating it from a limestone-paved court beyond. Immediately in front of the inscribed panel an opening in the wall provided access to this court, probably one of several doorways communicating between the two areas. The doorway in question was subsequently blocked and the edge of the mosaic cut away on three sides to form a drainage system. This alteration was apparently associated with the isolation of the western end of the south range as a special chamber, perhaps a latrine. Considerable damage to the decorative border resulted from these modifications but, with the exception of a slight V-shaped break on the west side, the actual inscribed panel survives intact.

In this article the historical importance of Lampron, and the architecture of the castle as it stands at present, are described. The work was done during the summer vacation of 1966.

For simplification of description in the text the longer axis of the castle is assumed to run north–south. The scale that appears in some photographs is marked in ½ metre divisions, with an additional short length at the top.

“… tous les seigneurs de ce château se révoltent parce qu'ils le savent imprenable.”

(Leo the Great of Cilician Armenia)

The fief was the source of medieval military authority. The castle at the centre of the fief was its focal point. From it the baron derived all his power. It was, in a disturbed world, his insurance of safety. Much depended on its strength.

The following inscriptions provide evidence of the cult of Apollo at Oinoanda, a Graeco-Roman city of northern Lycia, and show that it included an oracle in the Roman Imperial period, and perhaps already in the Hellenistic period. The location of the sanctuary of Apollo cannot presently be identified.

During 1991 large-scale excavations at Sagalassos continued for their second season from 13 July until 5 September. The work was directed by Professor Marc Waelkens (Dept. of Archaeology, Catholic University of Leuven). A total of 42 scientists from various countries (Belgium, Turkey, Great Britain, Germany and Portugal) as well as 25 local workmen (supervised by Mr. Ali Toprak) carried out the work. The team included 20 archaeologists, 4 illustrators (supervised by G. Evsever and R. Kotsch), 4 architect-restorers (directed by Prof. R. Lemaire and Dr. K. Van Balen), 3 cartographers (directed by Prof. F Depuydt), 2 geologists (directed by Prof. W. Viaene), 2 geomorphologists (Prof. J. De Ploey and Prof. E. Paulissen), 1 archaeozoologist (Dr. W. Van Neer), 1 anthropologist (Dr. Chr. Charlier), 2 restorers for the small finds (directed by Miss K. Norman) and 1 photographer (P. Stuyven). The Turkish Antiquities Department was represented by Muhammet Alkan from the Sivas Museum, whom we thank for his help. Financial support came from the Research Council of the Catholic University of Leuven, the Belgian Fund for Collective Fundamental Research (F.K.F.O.), the Belgian Programme on Interuniversity Poles of Attraction (I.U.A.P. no 28), the National Bank of Belgium, the ASLK/CGER Bank, the tour operator ORION, the car rental company Interleasing, the restoration company E. G. Verstraete & Vanhecke N. V., Agfa-Gevaert films and the association “Friends of Sagalassos”.

The text here chosen for translation can hardly be compared as literature with that presented in the preceding volume of this journal; it is, however, in some ways even more remarkable. It is a fictitious letter, purporting to be addressed by none other than Gilgamesh, the famous hero of the epic and legendary king of Uruk (Erech), to the king of another city, the name of which is only partly legible and appears to be hitherto unknown. Gilgamesh, who introduces himself as king of Ur, requests his correspondent to go to a certain mountain (or country) and send him various animals, precious stones, metals and other commodities, in quantities which are completely fantastic and absurd. They are apparently to be floated down the river to Babylon. The text concludes with threats of dire retribution if he should fail to comply with this request.

No less than three copies of this strange document have been found at Sultantepe: no trace of it has been discovered at any other site. It contains a number of specifically Assyrian grammatical forms; and its inappropriate use of the phrase “from the horizon to the zenith” to indicate the extent of a king's dominions (l. 4) is paralleled only in the annals of the Assyrian king Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 B.C.).

The third season of work at Can Hasan took place between 11th and 25th September, with additional work on the site between 26th and 28th September. This year we employed, as usual, Veli Karaaslan as foreman, Rifat Çelimli and Mustafa Duman as ustas, seven other men from Menteş and two local men from Canasun village. At the end of the season the site was completely filled in with earth from our dumps, except for areas where we hope to continue work in future seasons. Finally we fenced in, with posts and wire, an enclosure approximately 110 by 90 m. around the excavated area.

This season's staff included Messrs. N. H. S. Kindersley and D. J. Blackman, field assistants; Mrs. D. J. Blackman, Messrs. J. E. Reade and M. C. C. Davie, pottery assistants. Bay Behçet Erdal of the İstanbul Archaeological Museum represented the Turkish Government.

The design of Justinian's domed cruciform Basilica of St. John on the hill of Ayasoluk, long an interesting, has now become an urgent question. Partly uncovered and published by Sotiriou in 1922, it was excavated more extensively by the Austrians and at last described and restored by H. Hoermann and edited by Josef Keil, with the aid of a grant from Dumbarton Oaks, in one of the most lavish Austrian volumes on Ephesus to be published to date. The seeming exhaustiveness and accuracy of this book have tempted certain syndicates to rebuild the church for the use of pilgrims to Ephesus, even though, when uncovered, it stood to a general height of merely 10 or 12 feet, about one-sixth of its original height, and even though Keil had set a wiser precedent for its treatment. “Auf grössere Wiederherstellungsarbeiten wurde, abgesehen von der Aufstellung einer Säule, verzichtet, weil solche Wiederaufstellungen erfahrungsgemäss den Anreiz zu schädigenden Umstürzen erwecken” (FE. p. 16).