The study of three small buildings at Balboura, set up by the city slave Onesimos and the wealthy Meleager near the southwest corner of the agora, is here concluded. Part I (AS XXXVIII (1988), 121–45) treated the exedra of Onesimos and his temple of Nemesis; here the exedra of Meleager and the associated inscriptions are presented. The numbering of the footnotes and figures, and the lettering of the sections continue on from Part I, and the same bibliographical abbreviations (ibid., 144–5) are used. It will also be necessary to refer to the city plan, state plans, restored plans, and restored elevations published there (Figs. 1–4).

This paper presents archaeological and analytical data on metal artefacts from Hüseyindede (Çorum, Turkey), dated to the Old Hittite period (ca 16th century BC). Hüseyindede, which is set in a rural landscape, demonstrates continuity in alloying traditions from the Early Bronze Age III (ca 26th/25th–22nd/21st century BC) and the Assyrian Trading Colonies period (20th–18th century BC) to the emergence of the Hittites. In addition to known alloying practices of the period, the site presents, for the first time, evidence of the existence of copper-nickel alloys, namely cupronickels, which so far have been documented only at the Late Bronze Age capital of the Hittites, Boğazköy/Hattuša. The Hüseyindede cupronickel objects now pinpoint the presence of this technology to regions spreading out from the Halys basin from the Old Kingdom Hittite period.

A long-unpublished statue base for the emperor Constantius II was rediscovered at Oinoanda in 2010. It contains information that Oinoanda was a neokoros city, that is, having a special status in the imperial cult. The article attempts to trace the significance of neokoria and of images in the imperial cult in the fourth century AD, an era of rapid religious change when the Christianity of the emperors and many ordinary people co-existed with deep and widespread pagan traditions that flowed throughout Roman society.

Franz Cumont's influential article on pagan angels in Revue de l’histoire des religions, published just over a century ago in 1915, remains the point de départ for work on that subject. The present essay offers a brief evaluation of some of its features, and then concentrates on Greek epigraphic evidence from Asia Minor in the Roman imperial period. Most of these texts were not published when Cumont wrote, or else he treated them briefly since his focus lay largely on ancient philosophical discussions about angeloi by both insiders and outsiders to the Christian movement; and geographically he ranged more widely than we have chosen to do. The main aim of the present essay, however, is to test the widely-accepted hypothesis of A.R.R. Sheppard (1980/1981) that Jewish influence on pagan notions of angeloi is visible in these inscriptions even though that influence was applied by non-Jews in a confused manner.

The British Institute excavations carried out during the 1950s at Beycesultan by the head-waters of the Meander near modern Çivril (figs 1-3) may not now be of great moment in scholarly enquiry. The overriding reason for this is, of course, that no epigraphic material of any description came to hand. The excavations are, however, of note in connection with the progress and development of field archaeology - its aims and methods. They must be about the last large-scale Middle East excavations planned and executed according to traditional ideas of work whereby what constituted material for the archaeological record was taken for granted, and was reckoned such that it could be controlled by one or two experienced men in charge: both during the field work and in its publication. In this fashion, the Beycesultan excavations were fortunate. They were under the joint control of Seton Lloyd and James Mellart (fig 4). At that stage Seton Lloyd had been active for 25 years in directing a variety of important excavations in the Middle East (both in Iraq and Turkey), and was, by training, a talented architect. James Mellart, on the other hand, had already crammed into three or four years of intensive excavation and surveying work the accumulated expertise and confidence to assess in a most penetrating way broad regional issues as manifested in objects (‘finds’). Indeed a great deal of what became standard practice in the later 1950s and 60s evolved from his example. This combination of talents and energies was thus a highly favourable one and carried the work through to a very successful conclusion.

This was the fourth season of excavation at Amorium in east Phrygia, and the team worked for four weeks, from 28th July 1991. Archaeological aims this year comprised the continued excavation of the Byzantine Church in the Lower Town, and more detailed study of the small finds, notably the pottery, glass, and inscriptions. Additional aims included the establishment of an official excavation-house (which is necessary by Turkish Law) in the village of Hisarköy, and the construction of a permanent storage depot there. The village of Hisarköy now consists of only about twenty mud-brick houses and two stone buildings, i.e., the cami and the school (which closed in summer 1991). This village was said to have been created in 1892, with about 32 houses, and its recent decline is linked particularly with the attraction felt by the inhabitants to the nearby town of Emirdaǧ. The local harvest takes place in July, releasing a large body of manpower for our excavation's needs in late July and August, as the villagers' families (who work in Eskişehir, Afyon and further afield) come home for their “vacation”. The declining local population does, however, mean that it is easier to find accommodation for the excavation team.

The islands of the Dodecanese enjoy a favourable geographical position. They lie at one of the busiest and most important cross-roads of the eastern Mediterranean, and are readily accessible from all directions, including Asia Minor. In considering contacts with the latter, one has to take into account geographical factors such as distance, the nature of the terrain, and prevailing winds and surface currents. Geologically the Dodecanese form an extension of S.W. Asia Minor, known as Caria in historical times. This region is more or less cut off by mountains from the interior of the mainland, and land routes are either non-existent or very poor. The only direct route is provided by the port of call of Miletus which lies at the mouth of the Maeander (Grant 1969, 93). It is thus only natural for Caria to look towards the Aegean and the Dodecanese rather than elsewhere. Similarly, one should expect the Dodecanese to be in constant intercourse with the opposite coast. Indeed, the archaeological evidence seems to agree. The two areas appear to have shared a more or less common culture in prehistory (Dodecanese III, 178; Mee 1975).

In May 1958, while looking for Classical remains in Eastern Pisidia, I copied the following honorific inscription in the town of Beyşehir, which lies at the south-east corner of the lake of the same name, anciently Karalitis. Its situation and surroundings are shown in Fig. 1.

The text is carved on a rectangular slab of yellowish limestone, exposed to view by the removal of wall plaster. This is probably one face of the shaft of a statue-base, which has been built into the outer corner of a shop facing on to the main square. The shop also forms an outer wall to the Şen hotel, and the inscription is said to have come to light during repairs to the hotel, some six years previously. The final letters of the inscription are slightly damaged on both sides, but otherwise it is complete. Rosette below. H. 0·78 m., W. 0·43 m., Th. unknown. Letters 3 cm. high.

During the survey campaigns of 1986, 1987 and 1988 at Sagalassos, one of the main cities of ancient Pisidia, the visible remains on both the Upper (S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, 1987, p. 38; S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, 1988, pp. 62-3; M. Waelkens, 1992, pp. 50-1) and the Lower Agora (S. Mitchell and M. Waelkens, 1989, p. 68; M. Waelkens, 1989, p. 121, Fig. 6; M. Waelkens, 1992, p. 51) were examined and a series of honorific monuments of varying shape on both the agoras were recorded. The excavation of these squares during this year's campaign (1992) uncovered even more of them. Larger, free-standing honorific monuments adorn the centre of the Upper Agora; smaller monuments were placed around the edges, in front of the porticoes. From the remains, it appears that especially the eastern side of the Upper Agora, together with its corners were regarded as very suitable for this kind of honorific monuments. Similar small memorials also enliven at least the eastern and the southern borders of the Lower Agora.

The diversity in form and the richness of decoration and mouldings of some of these small monuments are eye-catching and deserve a more detailed analysis. Unfortunately, although similar memorials most likely decorated most of the other Classical cities in Asia Minor, they have hardly received any attention hitherto. This paper is a first attempt to classify the small honorific monuments in Sagalassos.

Early in 1970 David French asked me to try to find a solution to the problem of dealing with the large amount of very fine material which passed through his new archaeological sieving and flotation processes. The material was in fact graded from fine sand through silt to clay, and came from the end of the flotation boxes mixed with quantities of water. The resulting mud or slime then blocked up filters and overflows. Apart from the suspicion that one was thus missing very fine particles of archaeological interest, the discarded slime was slowing up and even threatening to stop the flotation processes.

The problem was thus one of separating quantities of very fine material from large quantities of water, and at the same time of separating fine organic material from particles of inorganic material–usually silicates.

The Sumerian deluge myth is inscribed on a six-colume Nippur tablet in the University Museum, of which only the lower third is preserved. It was first published by Arno Poebel in 1914, in PBS V no. 1, and was edited by him with exemplary detail, care, and circumspection in the same year in PBS IV pp. 9–70. In 1950, I published a new translation of the text in ANET pp. 42–4 – except for a few modifications, it was based entirely on Poebel's edition. In more recent years, two scholars have made serious attempts to retranslate and reinterpret the text. In 1969, Miguel Civil published a new transliteration and translation of the myth in Lambert and Millard's atrahasis pp. 138–45 (philological notes ibid. pp. 167–74). In 1981, Thorkild Jacobsen published a new transliteration, translation and interpretation of the composition which he entitled “The Eridu Genesis”, in JBL 100/4 pp. 513–29. Both Civil and Jacobsen have made a number of significant and useful lexicographical, grammatical and interpretative suggestions. But neither of them have resolved the baffling difficulties and obscurities that abound in the text, and much of its contents still remains puzzling and enigmatic, especially the first part of the myth relating the events leading up to the divine decision to destroy mankind by sending a devastating flood on the land.

The ceramic material discussed in the following paper was collected during a survey conducted by the Dept. of Archaeology and History of Art at Bilkent University, Ankara, Turkey. The survey, under the direction of Doctors Ilknur Özgen and Marie-Henriette Gates, was undertaken in the summer of 1991 and covered the coastal area from the site of Yumurtalık, southeast of Misis and Misis Dağ, and continued along the coastal plain to include the site of Kinet Höyök, near Dörtyol north of the Iskenderun Plain (The Hatay). This entire region can be considered the eastern half of the Cilician coastal plain (Fig. 1).

The objectives of the survey were two-fold: to surface collect ceramic remains from mounds in the investigation area, and to conduct a geomorphological study of the plain and its relation to the surrounding topographical regions (alluvial plains to the east and west-foothills of the Amanus and Anti-Taurus to the north and northeast). A detailed report on the geomorphology of this region has been published by the geomorphologist who accompanied the survey team, Dr. Sancar Özaner, of the Maden Tetkik ve Araştırma Enstitüsü (Mineral and Research Exploration Institute).

“Hieroglyphic inscriptions” of various types are common at Urartian sites, but even without a systematic collection and study of them as a whole it is evident that the great majority are at best only pictographic in nature. The relatively small number of such texts, their brevity, the isolated occurrence of many of the signs and the lack of repetition from site to site make it unlikely that they represent any phonetically based writing system. Indeed, the claim of some authors that there existed a local, specifically Urartian hieroglyphic script has yet to be demonstrated.

The hieroglyphic inscriptions from Altıntepe, on the other hand, clearly belong to a different category. The length and consistency of the texts strongly suggest the employment of a regular script, while the close correspondence of the signs to those of the Hittite Hieroglyphic syllabary has led a number of scholars to contend that these are purely Hittite documents. The following study will show, however, not only that the language of the inscriptions is in fact Urartian, but also that they present some rather important new evidence for the reading of Hieroglyphic Hittite itself.

This article presents several new inscriptions discovered during the survey of the Pisidian city at Melli directed by Dr Lutgarde Vandeput, and revisions to already published texts. These include several imperial statue bases from the city agora, four texts honouring city patrons, who include a provincial governor and a senior Roman equestrian official from the nearby Pisidian city of Selge, dedications and epitaphs. The most significant discovery is the first identified Greek copy of a votive text to ‘the gods and goddesses’, set up according to the interpretation of a Clarian oracle, which was already known from nine Latin versions. The inscription is associated with a cult room in a domestic building, and may be connected with the worship of theos hypsistos.

Mitwirkend am Sturz des hethitischen Großreichs am Beginn des 12.Jhs. v.Chr. brach ein kriegerischer, thrakischer Volksstamm fünfzig Jahre vor der Regierung des Tiglatplesers I in die Geschichte Altanatoliens am oberen Tigris ein; dann schweigen die Quellen mehrere Jahrhunderte, bis diese “Muschki-Leute” mit ihrem Heerführer “Mita” in den assyrischen Annalen diesmal gegen Sargon II und im Kerngebiet von Hatti, zwischen dem Halys- und Sangariosbogen, als eine starke politische Einheit wieder auftauchen. Sie nannten sich Phryger; und genauso wie ihre Geschichte liegt fast für fünf Jahrhunderte auch ihre Kunst, die unter den blühenden Hochkulturen Altanatoliens einen besonderen Platz einnimmt, noch im Dunkeln. Dennoch ist eine derartig plötzliche Wiedererscheinung eines Volkes als eine den Urartäern im Osten ebenbürtige Großmacht Anatoliens und im Höhepunkt ihres kulturellen Lebens ohne Vergangenheit nicht faßbar; so dürfte die Groß-Phrygien schaffende Treibkraft nicht nur politisch sondern auch archäologisch in den “dunklen Jahrhunderten” vom 12. bis zum 8.Jh. v.Chr. im schöpferisch fruchtbaren Boden ihrer neuen Heimat verwurzelt gewesen sein, denn sie haben aus ihrem alten balkanischen Herkunftland nichts Eigenständiges mitgebracht, was der Entstehung und späteren Entwicklung der phrygischen Kunst zugrunde liegen konnte.

An ancient limestone block was brought to our attention in the garden of Mehmet Atçı, the then bekçi of Oinoanda, at his house in the village of İncealiler, below the ancient site, during the site-survey of Oinoanda and its territory led by Professor Stephen Mitchell in 1994. It had been rescued from the nearby small antique site at Kemerarası, which lies at the foot of the Oinoanda hill (Urluca), immediately on the north bank of the upper Xanthos river, at the point where routes ancient and modern from the lower Xanthos valley debouch from the pass of Karabel into the Seki plain. Kemerarası is known to tourists for its Ottoman bridge which still spans the Xanthos (fig 1), and which is now superseded by a modern highway bridge, and to ancient historians chiefly as the findspot of the Demostheneia festival inscription published by Wörrle (1988). The old theory that the site at Kemerarası was a separate city of ‘Termessus Minor” has been scotched by Coulton (1982), who showed that Termessus Minor was the name of Oinoanda itself, viewed as a colony of Termessus Major.

While the problems surrounding the events which preceded and followed the accession of Ḫattušili I have long been debated with few conclusive results, the basic facts underlying these events seem, on the surface at least, reasonably straightforward. For the most part these facts are contained in (a) Ḫattušili's “Annals”, in which the king identifies himself as ŠAfTawannanna DUMU ŠEŠ-ŠU (“son of the brother of Tawannanna”), and (b) Ḫattušili's “Testament”, a speech delivered by the king during a period of illness in Kuššara, announcing to the assembled dignitaries and fighting men of Ḫatti the appointment of his grandson Muršili as heir to the throne.

The Testament in particular provides much information pertinent to the royal succession early in the Old Kingdom. Amongst other things, the document records what is commonly regarded as the first historically authentic event in Hittite history – the attempt by Ḫattušili's grandfather to appoint Labarna as ruler(?) in the town of Šanaḫuitta; this appointment was overturned by high ranking subjects of the king (probably with the support of the king's own children) who set up a “rebel regime” under the leadership of Papaḫdilmaḫ. Ḫattušili subsequently became king in Ḫattuša — perhaps the first of the Hittite kings to resettle the site after its destruction by Anitta.

The lack of stratified examples of Hittite jewellery emphasizes the importance of the evidence afforded by inventories such as the Inventory of Manninni recently published by Dr S. Košak. Although many of the words designating specific pieces of jewellery or goldwork cannot yet be translated, a study of the inventories combined with contemporary archaeological evidence can assist in forming a more detailed assessment of the products of Hittite jewellers and gold workers. It is possible to make some tentative suggestions concerning the identification of different types of jewellery mentioned in the Manninni inventory with reference to excavated pieces, some of which, although originating from sites beyond the area of direct Hittite influence yet can be dated to a period contemporary with or slightly earlier than the Hittite inventories. The Manninni inventory has been assigned to the 13th century B.C. by F. Kammenhuber but in Košak's view it could have been composed at any time during the later Hittite Empire.