The rock-cut church of Al Oda (the Red Room) does not seem to have been visited in the past by any European traveller. In September, 1953, on the advice of Bay Neşri Atlay, then headmaster of the Primary School at Mut, a party consisting of Mr. and Mrs. Michael Gough, Mr. Michael Ballance and Mr. David Wilson visited the site and made a preliminary investigation. It was then decided to carry out a full examination at a later date, and this was done in August, 1955. The work was under the immediate charge of Mr. Martin Harrison of Lincoln College, Oxford, who also made reproductions in water-colour of some of the paintings and of the mosaics.

During 1989 the Pisidian survey project continued for its fifth season at Sagalassos. The survey was directed in the first half of the season by Dr. S. Mitchell (University College of Swansea) and in the second half by Prof. M. Waelkens (Catholic University of Leuven and National Fund for Scientific Research, Belgium). The team consisted of Prof. W. Viaene (geologist), Dr. M. Lodewijckx, R. Degeest, E. Scheltens, L. Vandeput, H. Bracke, A. De Daele, P. De Jonghe (Catholic University of Leuven, Belgium), Dr. E. Owens (University College of Swansea), Dr. Chr. Lightfoot (The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara), Mr. R. Fursdon, R. Harrison and A. Young (topographers, University of Newcastle), and F. Richards (Sydney University). For 3 weeks we were joined by Selçuk Baser, director of the Museum of Burdur, who with M. Waelkens, directed a rescue excavation in the potters' quarter. Muhsin Endoǧru (Boǧazköy Museum) represented the Turkish Antiquities Department. The main financial support came from the National Fund for Scientific Research (Belgium), the Prime Ministry of the Flemish Community (Belgium), the Flemish Ministry of Education (Belgium), the British Academy and the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara.

Short preliminary notices of the work at Çayboyu have appeared in recent issues of this journal and the METU series of preliminary reports (Diamant 1971, 1972; Diamant & Aksoy 1972, 1973). No further excavation has taken place since the initial two short seasons (1970–1). What follows is thus only a slightly more detailed summary of the material recovered up to this time.

The mound of Çayboyu lies about one kilometre east of Aşvan village, on the edge of a small wadi. It is barely visible on the northwest side as one approaches from the village, since the change in elevation is very gradual. However, on the southeastern side the wadi and subsidiary irrigation channels have eroded away what may be as much as half of the original mound, leaving an exposed cross-section of it about three metres high. One of the modern irrigation channels runs periodically just at the base of this scarp, from which pottery and obsidian artifacts have been collected.

Since the detailed study by Edith Porada of the cylinder seals and small objects from the celebrated treasure found in the temple of Mont at Tôd in Upper Egypt, questions concerning its origin and date still remain unanswered. Porada suggested that in addition to seals from Eastern Iran and possibly Afghanistan, a North Syrian origin for two of the cylinders seems a distinct possibility. Two other cylinder seals were carved in Mesopotamian style, one of them being datable to the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur. She also showed conclusively that there are no cylinders which can be dated later than 1800 B.C. (Middle Chronology) and that the latest cylinders belonged to the Isin-Larsa period. Her conclusions concerning the origin of the treasure and the importance of parallels for the amulets and other small objects with material from Mari and Ebla are entirely convincing. A recent study by Christine Lilyquist stresses the evidence for a date within the reign of Amenemhet II for the deposition of the treasure which was found in four metal boxes inscribed with the king's name. While in studies concerning the 153 silver vessels Cretan and Mycenaean prototypes have been cited, Anatolia has not received so much attention. Here it will be suggested that there is considerable recently published evidence from Anatolia and Syria which is relevant to the Tôd silver cups, and that a consideration of recently published textual material from Mari, Ebla, Rimah and Brak may also be useful.

The work at Taşkun Mevkii consists to date of two seasons, 1970 and 1971. A third and final season is projected for the summer of 1973. Excavation in 1970 was restricted to a series of slots and one 4 × 4 m. square at the northern edge of the site in order to test the depth of occupation and to establish preliminary phasing (Fig. 1). On this basis the area was expanded in 1971 to expose structures, particularly of Phase 3 which had proved to be most rewarding in 1970. It was found that the first season's phasing was substantially accurate, requiring only minor adjustments of Phase 1.

Phase 1 (Fig. 2, plan; Fig. 8, section)

(a) In 1970 painted pottery appeared in topsoil, thus linking the top of Taşkun Mevkii with Aşvan Kale and other sites in the area. The painted designs found at Taşkun Mevkii are represented on whole pots from Aşvan Kale (see French and Helms, below, p. 157, Fig. 5). It is now clear that this final occupation exists only in pits cut from topsoil or above and hence no contemporary occupation surfaces could be found in the area excavated.

A mon vieil ami, le Professeur J. Garstang, en souvenir de nos visites archéologiques aux sites bibliques de jadis.—E. Dhorme.

Si J'associe ces deux dieux dans une même étude, c'est non seulement parce qu'ils représentent l'un et l'autre une conception similaire de la divinité dans les anciennes religions sémitiques, mais aussi parce qu'ils ont subi, l'un et l'autre, un même traitement de faveur, ou plutôt de défaveur, dans la transmission du texte massorétique appuyée par le grec des Septante. En revanche, si la personnalité du Baal n'a fait que s'agrandir en se précisant, grâce surtout aux découvertes de Ras Shamra, l'ancienne Ugarit, celle du Moloch a été l'objet de contestations énergiques depuis une vingtaine d'années, au point qu'une brochure, parue en 1935, annonçait dans son titre “la fin du dieu Moloch”. Nous allons donc examiner les faits qui, selon nous, exigent la présence de Moloch à côté de Baal dans le plus ancien panthéon sémitique attesté par la Bible.

It is my intention, here, to present the background to my work in a field which I have adopted, perhaps rashly and unwisely, in the spirit of an interested amateur. The work has been centred on the road systems of Roman Asia Minor and is concerned with the surviving evidence for the course and route of Roman roads, and the topographical and geographical problems which follow on from the elucidation of these roads. At a higher level of investigation I have been considering the grade of information which is afforded by the surviving literary evidence e.g. the itineraries. My ultimate purpose is to provide material for a fresh appraisal of the historical geography of Asia Minor: such material as I can collect is specifically intended to be a contribution to a new map or maps of Roman Asia Minor.

In this article I wish to offer an outline of:

(1) the principles which underlie my approach,

(2) the definition of the categories of desired information,

(3) a practical demonstration of the methods and techniques adopted in the work.

Anzaf lies approximately north-east of the modern town of Van, and rather less than ten miles from it by road; it is just off, and south-east of, the main road which leads from Van to Erçek and beyond in the direction of the modern frontier between Turkey and Iran and of the high mountains west of Khoi. Three published Urartian inscriptions, all of Menua, are described as having come from Anzaf; and there are, in the neighbourhood of the village, remains of two anciently walled places; one is on an eminence (from which Lake Erçek is visible) above, and close to, the village, which it conceals from the main road; the other is on the other side of the main road, about a mile distant from the village on the way to Van.

A final season of excavating at Beycesultan was arranged in the autumn of 1959 and lasted from 15th September to 28th October. The work was once more in charge of the Director, who was accompanied by Mrs. Seton Lloyd and a staff consisting of Mr. Martin Harrison (Institute Scholar for 1958–59) and Mrs. Harrison, Mr. Harry Smith of Christ's College, Cambridge, Miss Carol Cruikshank, Mr. Michael Brett as architect and Bay Osman Aksoy as Turkish Government representative. The Assistant Director and Miss Clare Goff also took part in the excavations during the second half of the season.

It had been decided on this occasion to concentrate the entire resources of the expedition on the continued clearance of the Middle Bronze Age palace on the eastern summit of the mound, partly excavated in the seasons of 1954 and 1955, in the hope of recovering as much of the plan as possible before the excavations finally closed down. This was accomplished with considerable success. Two large new areas of the building were cleared and a point reached where any further extension would have met with serious practical difficulties.

The ruins at Yanıkhan form the remains of a Late Roman village in the interior of Rough Cilicia some 8 kilometres inland from the village of Limonlu on the road to Canbazlı (see Fig. 1). The site has not been frequently visited by scholars, and the first certain reference to its existence was made by the late Professor Michael Gough after his visit on 2 September 1959. Yanıkhan is now occupied only by the Yürüks who for years have wintered on the southern slopes of Sandal Dağ. The ancient settlement at Yanıkhan consisted of a village covering several acres. The remains are still extensive, and some, especially the North Basilica, are very well preserved, but there has been considerable disturbance in recent years as stone and rubble have been removed in order to create small arable clearings. The visible remains include many domestic buildings constructed both from polygonal masonry without mortar and from mortar and rubble with coursed smallstone facing. There are several underground cisterns and a range of olive presses. The countryside around the settlement has been terraced for agricultural purposes in antiquity, and is, like the settlement itself, densely covered with scrub oak and wild olive trees. The most impressive remains are those of the two basilical churches which are of little artistic pretension, but considerable architectural interest. The inscription which forms the substance of this article was found on the lintel block of the main west entrance of the South Basilica.

It is proposed that the name of the three Bronze Age characters called Sarpēdon(t)- in Greek tradition is a direct rendering of an Anatolian compound noun, approximately *sar-pēdan-, ‘(one having) top position’. Anatolian cognates of both sar-, ‘up, on’, and *pēdan-, ‘place’, are attested with appropriate figurative meanings. At face value this etymology provides a suitably aristocratic name, but two of the Sarpedons are known mainly as leaders of expeditions connected with Lycia, and being an expedition leader does not conflict with the very limited details reported of the third Sarpedon. The coincidence of name and role suggests that the Anatolian original might have really been a military rank or job description. The explicit connection with ‘Lycia’ in two instances, i.e., with some part of the Luwian-speaking Lukka Lands, makes some variety of Luwian a strong candidate as the source language. Attestation of the name in Iron Age Lycian is slight and inconclusive, but its native form appears to have persisted there into Roman times.

The extensive use of glass inlays on ivories and as separate inlays together with ivories, presumably on the same furniture, is one of the features characteristic of Western Asiatic ivories dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. Their introduction marked a clear departure from second millennium B.C. traditions of ivory carving and their disappearance after the eighth century B.C. coincided with the end of the Golden Age of Western Asiatic ivory carving.

In this discussion I intend to call attention to some phenomena connected with the use of glass inlays on and together with ivories from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. rather than presenting a full review of the subject — a project beyond the scope of the present study. It will be shown that the distinction between non-inlaid and inlaid groups of ivories in Phoenician style has a bearing on their attribution to different workshops and possibly also on their chronology.

The publication of another article on the monastery complex at Alahan in Isauria so soon after the appearance of Professor P. Verzone's monograph and Professor G. Forsyth's paper on the same monument may seem premature, and to require some explanation. It can, however, be reasonably justified on the differing times and circumstances in which the various articles appeared.

In autumn 1955, I published “Some Recent Finds at Alahan (Koja Kalessi)”, an article based on two short visits which I had made to the monastery during 1952 and 1953. This paper coincided with the publication of the Turkish text of Professor Verzone's monograph, compiled after a stay at Alahan in the summer of the same year. Meanwhile, I had previously requested and obtained permission from the Turkish General Directorate of Museums and Antiquities to carry out limited soundings in the monastery complex, in particular in the building designated Chiesa n. 1 by Verzone. These soundings were, in fact, carried out in the interval between Verzone's visit and the publication of his monograph.

The question of the site of Derbe has for many years exercised the ingenuity of those who have studied the topography of ancient Lycaonia.

As long ago as 1824 Leake wrote that “of the cities, which the journey of St. Paul has made so interesting to us, the site of one only (Iconium) is yet certainly known. Perga, Antioch of Pisidia, Lystra, and Derbe, remain to be discovered”.

Leake's own conjecture as to the site of Perga was confirmed within thirty years; Antioch was fixed beyond reasonable doubt by Arundell in 1833; and fifty-two years later Sterrett confirmed Leake's suggestion that Lystra lay at Hatunsaray.

The following dedication by the council and people of Derbe, found by the writer in 1956 at Kerti Hüyük, twenty-two kilometres north-north-east of Karaman, provides an answer to the last of Leake's problems and shows that his own location of Derbe at Maden Şehir, based though it was on the slenderest of evidence, was probably closer to the truth than any of those proposed by his successors in the field.

Since 1995, the ancient city of Kibyra, situated in southwestern Turkey, has been investigated through historical, epigraphic and archaeological surveys. During the ceramic survey, an area inside the city was found where vessels with identical characteristics of surface and fabric were observed. This area is located in the northwestern part of the city close to the theatre. Together with numerous misfired pieces, these vessel fragments are suggestive of a potters' quarter. Based on historical evidence and ceramic comparisons, pottery production in Kibyra can be dated between the late Hellenistic and early Byzantine periods. Not only are the potters' quarter itself and the forms and types produced there of interest, but they also widen our knowledge of different ceramic production centres in the region of ancient Asia Minor. With the help of this material, archaeologists working on other sites will be able to recognise Kibyran pottery and provide us with information about trade connections between Kibyra and other regions.

Physical conditions have an important and many-faceted influence upon the human occupation and use of an area. Their influence is not always direct, but depends upon the perception of the physical environment by a resident or immigrant group. Only a part of the perceived environment affects decisionmaking and influences behavioural patterns as expressed, for example, in the siting of settlements and the use of land for subsistence. Behaviour, in turn, not only affects the physical environment – by the clearance of forest, for example – but also influences the way in which the physical environment is perceived. Continuous reappraisal is thus integral to successful human occupation and use of an area. Accordingly, established patterns may change, perhaps almost imperceptibly but sometimes radically. The mere existence of an established pattern, however, shapes subsequent reappraisals and, to some extent, controls necessary modifications and changes. A model of geographical change through time is thus more spiral than linear.

At the Rencontre Assyriologique held in Vienna in July, 1981, Dr. Harry Hoffner Jr. presented a paper in which he discussed a new join he had made to the Milawata letter, a document long recognized as being of considerable importance for Hittite historical studies, although one which is frustratingly fragmentary and incomplete.

Without doubt, the join provides important new information on historical and political developments in western Anatolia in the period when the letter was written, during the 13th century B.C.; more specifically, it throws interesting new light on the circumstances in which it was written, and may help indirectly to establish the identity of both its author, a Hittite king, and its recipient. Perhaps of most immediate interest is the fact that we now have the name of another king of Wilua—Walmu. Walmu was already known to us from the original text, but the two passages in which his name appeared were too fragmentary to provide any more specific information about him. The new join provides us not only with this information, but a good deal more besides.

By the following lines I should like to express my gratitude to Fritz Eichler, the late Director of the Austrian Archaeological Institute, a gentleman whose like may not be found so easily nowadays, who made possible A. Bammer's work at the Ephesus Artemisium, and who directed my interest to East Greek art and artistry as well, since at the moment times are hard for an archaeologist who works on other than Roman Imperial trifles at Efes City.

When Bammer came across bobbin-like objects made of rock crystal, some people thought that he had found parts of Wood's surveying devices or the like, in spite of the fact that they came without any doubt from stratified layers dated between 650 and 550 B.C. Besides, Hogarth had unearthed some 15 pieces of this type already. These “large studs or buttons”, as Hogarth had called them, are hyperboloids of specific shape turned on a lathe, as can be inferred by a faint deepening in the centre of the larger side of some of these hyperboloids. The larger side is always concave, the smaller one plane or slightly convex.

Some twenty-three objects in the Bronze Age Aegean have been identified as “Hittite” in previous literature. Scholars investigating the nature of the relations between Hittites and Mycenaeans continue to cite one or more of these objects, although many have since been shown to be of non-Hittite origins. In this paper I propose to reexamine the “authenticity” of the Hittite objects reported within the Bronze Age Aegean. The twenty-three objects in question can readily be grouped as to (A) those which might be and (B) those which are not Central Anatolian Hittite in origin.

Throughout his long and distinguished career Dr. R. D. Barnett has been greatly interested in metalwork of the 1st millennium B.C. and has made many important contributions to this subject. Naturally these have tended to concentrate on the collections with which he has been for so long associated, those of the Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities at the British Museum. They range from his studies of the Toprak Kale material to a recent article on the Nimrud bowls, and even include some thoughts on the bronze coffins which are the subject of this article (Barnett 1956, pp. 114–16). If the conclusions reached here are slightly different from his own, I hope he will forgive my temerity and accept this offering in the spirit in which it is intended, one of respect, affection, and also gratitude, for his learning and enthusiasm have ever been an inspiration to younger colleagues such as myself.

The coffins under discussion here are square at one end and rounded at the other, and have high straight sides. They are made from two sheets of bronze hammered into shape and joined together in the middle of the long sides. The joins are concealed by vertical strips of bronze applied inside and out and held in position by rivets.