A recent Wall Street Journal investigation revealed that TikTok floods child and adolescent users with videos of rapid weight loss methods, including tips on how to consume less than 300 calories a day and promoting a “corpse bride diet,” showing emaciated girls with protruding bones. The investigation involved the creation of a dozen automated accounts registered as 13-year-olds and revealed that TikTok algorithms fed adolescents tens of thousands of weight-loss videos within just a few weeks of joining the platform. Emerging research indicates that these practices extend well beyond TikTok to other social media platforms that engage millions of U.S. youth on a daily basis.

Social media algorithms that push extreme content to vulnerable youth are linked to an increase in mental health problems for adolescents, including poor body image, eating disorders, and suicidality. Policy measures must be taken to curb this harmful practice. The Strategic Training Initiative for the Prevention of Eating Disorders (STRIPED), a research program based at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and Boston Children’s Hospital, has assembled a diverse team of scholars, including experts in public health, neuroscience, health economics, and law with specialization in First Amendment law, to study the harmful effects of social media algorithms, identify the economic incentives that drive social media companies to use them, and develop strategies that can be pursued to regulate social media platforms’ use of algorithms. For our study, we have examined a critical mass of public health and neuroscience research demonstrating mental health harms to youth. We have conducted a groundbreaking economic study showing nearly $11 billion in advertising revenue is generated annually by social media platforms through advertisements targeted at users 0 to 17 years old, thus incentivizing platforms to continue their harmful practices. We have also examined legal strategies to address the regulation of social media platforms by conducting reviews of federal and state legal precedent and consulting with stakeholders in business regulation, technology, and federal and state government.

While nationally the issue is being scrutinized by Congress and the Federal Trade Commission, quicker and more effective legal strategies that would survive constitutional scrutiny may be implemented by states, such as the Age Appropriate Design Code Act recently adopted in California, which sets standards that online services likely to be accessed by children must follow. Another avenue for regulation may be through states mandating that social media platforms submit to algorithm risk audits conducted by independent third parties and publicly disclose the results. Furthermore, Section 230 of the federal Communications Decency Act, which has long shielded social media platforms from liability for wrongful acts, may be circumvented if it is proven that social media companies share advertising revenues with content providers posting illegal or harmful content.

Our research team’s public health and economic findings combined with our legal analysis and resulting recommendations, provide innovative and viable policy actions that state lawmakers and attorneys general can take to protect youth from the harms of dangerous social media algorithms.

Pre-pandemic, employer-sponsored health insurance (ESI) covered 175 million workers and their dependents, the equivalent of 49% of the country’s total population. ESI, a valuable tax preference to employer and employee alike, spurred worker job dependence on employers resulting in access to healthcare dependent upon continued employment. With the advent of the pandemic and the dramatic increase in unemployment, the number of uninsured increased by more than 2.7 million people. Then, unemployment proliferated further by an unprecedented exit from the workforce dubbed the “Great Resignation.” Over 47 million Americans voluntarily quit their jobs in a movement characterized as a general labor strike. The pandemic opened the floodgates to workers’ concerns about COVID safety in the workplace, wage stagnation despite increases in the cost of living, enduring job dissatisfaction, and increased demand for a remote-working environment. Data shows that the unemployed shifted to the Affordable Care Act marketplace or to the public payer option, Medicaid, for coverage. This shift signals a change, post-pandemic, away from the destabilizing system of access to care based on employment and unwanted job dependence and provides a policy argument favoring the more stabilizing influence of public insurance options in the health insurance market.

This Article is the first to offer a comprehensive case against using racial quotas in pharmaceutical studies by providing a detailed examination of the arguments for and against the practice. It begins by discussing the current racial classification system, calls for racial quotas in pharmaceutical trials, and the troubling history of combining race and scientific investigation. It next examines the cautionary tale of BiDil, the first drug authorized by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for use in only Black people. The third part of the Article sets forth the arguments against racial quotas. The fourth part provides legal analysis of these arguments, concluding that racial quotas in pharmaceutical trials likely would not satisfy the strict scrutiny standard for two independent reasons. The fifth part evaluates the alleged benefits of racial quotas and demonstrates that when properly understood they are insignificant in comparison to the disadvantages. The final part weighs the evidence to arrive at a conclusion and considers future implications.

Ultimately, this Article provides a valuable framework for assessing the legal and pragmatic implications not just for pharmaceutical trial quotas but also for other racial-classification issues in health care. For example, while it presents a cumulative case against the proposed practice of racial quotas in pharmaceutical trials, many of the same arguments presented are also applicable to the currently mandated practice of acquiring and reporting racial data of pharmaceutical trial participants. It will serve as a valuable resource not only for opponents of racial quotas but also for advocates. For example, this Article provides numerous race-neutral alternatives for consideration. And the strong case against racial quotas helps facilitate a refocus of efforts away from merely ameliorating the end results of health care disparities and instead targeting the root causes. Evidence suggests that this redirected focus on root causes is more effective at producing positive change. In this way, rejecting these quotas is not in conflict with addressing health disparities; rather, it is beneficial to it. This Article will hopefully serve as a catalyst for future research regarding best practices on how pragmatic; legal; and diversity, equity, and inclusion considerations can synergistically exist.

This Article focuses on unifying the protocol for state competency evaluations, but with special concerns about undiagnosed FASD and developmental immaturity in adolescents. States do not mandate any process whereby psychometric tests are first performed prior to psychiatric mental status evaluations, often causing disparities in evaluations which might easily be avoided in court proceedings. Adding to the complications in current competency evaluations are recent studies from Canada and Australia identifying exceptionally high rates of FASD in incarcerated adolescents following multi-disciplinary teams’ studies directed at identifying FASD. If these studies’ rates of FASD turn out to be similar for children in the U.S. juvenile justice system, then systemic reform is called for as we are failing to identify this congenital condition when adolescents enter the system and then continue on into the adult criminal system without recognition of their prenatal exposure to alcohol.

While physician-assisted suicide legislation is being drafted and passed across the United States, a gray-area continues to exist in regard to the legality of a lay person’s assistance with suicide. Several high-profile cases have been covered in the media, namely that of Michelle Carter in Massachusetts and William Melchert-Dinkel in Minnesota, but there is also a growing volume of anonymous pro-suicide materials online. Pro-suicide groups fly under the radar and claim to help those desiring to take their own lives. This paper aims to identify the point at which an individual or group can be held civilly or criminally liable for assisting suicide and discusses how the First Amendment can be used to shield authors from such liability.

During the emergence of SARS-CoV-2 and the COVID-19 pandemic, public health officials exercised their police powers to combat the spread of the virus. The pandemic-related legal interventions adopted throughout the United States included lockdown orders and mask mandates. However, these policies and interventions meant to promote the general welfare of the public, in defense of common good, were met with legal challenges, especially in opposition to interventions’ impact on the exercise of religion. This article provides a legal analysis of the policies meant to curb the COVID-19 pandemic with a focus on legislative and judiciary actions and their implications for religious freedom. Ultimately, we hope this article will help inform future legal analyses on conflicts between public health and religious freedom in the context of pandemic legal preparedness efforts.

Dementia within the criminal system, from arrest through incarceration, has been largely ignored. While the health system has begun grappling with the chronic conditions that will accompany an aging society, the criminal system has yet to meaningfully respond. Dementia is a clinical syndrome characterized by impairment in cognitive domains (memory, executive function, visuospatial). Additionally, dementia often includes behavioral symptoms that increase the likelihood that an individual’s actions may violate social norms and in some circumstances be deemed criminal. Prior studies have established criminal behavior as a trend among individuals living with dementia. Yet, the criminal system has yet to establish protections for individuals who commit a crime while impaired by dementia. This paper will report on an empirical study to evaluate the treatment of persons with dementia within the criminal justice system. We will report on interviews with attorneys (n=15) regarding their experience and perspective on the treatment of persons with dementia post-arrest. In the paper, we will explore topics identified through these interviews including pre-trial release, competency, placement (housing), criminal liability determination, sentencing, and post-conviction release. We will highlight key findings including the lack of a systematic screening process for dementia post-arrest, placement is a significant challenge, attorneys’ lack of training on dementia to be able to understand how the disease could impact decision-making, and the two legal mechanisms available to divert miss the mark given their focus on psychiatric populations. We will use these data and findings to argue for a research and policy agenda to address a gap in legal policies to appropriately manage persons with dementia post-arrest.

Medicaid plays a significant role in the health care space, providing insurance coverage to nearly one quarter of the U.S. population. In recent years, managed care organizations have taken on an increasingly prominent role in the Medicaid space, and in many instances have become the sole insurance option for Medicaid recipients. The scale and method of implementation for managed care programs has varied widely from state to state. This Note discusses the many methods by which a state can enact managed care within its Medicaid program, and summarizes the challenges with assessing the success of such programs. It proposes a uniform approach to managed care reporting requirements designed to increase transparency and accountability across state lines, and in turn ensure quality care for Medicaid managed care beneficiaries.

Expanding on previous industry guidance relative to increased clinical trial diversity, while honing more exacting treatments and better ways to fight diseases that have often disproportionately impacted people of color, is a topic being discussed by multidisciplinary public health experts across the nation.

This writing draws attention to the African American demographic, which is continually subject to health care disparities. Any glimpses of knowledge or medical discovery that could potentially help to redress harm or reinforce a weakened familial-cultural infrastructure should be emphasized for sanative restoration of the impacted communities. The focus of this writing is the African American cohort and its nexus to Benign Ethnic Neutropenia as the diverse target population of discussion, hoping to convey a harmonized approach in the examination of (1) the African American Benign Ethnic Neutropenia cohort within the context of basic scientific understanding, (2) the interplay of applicable governing regulatory protections, and (3) increased clinical trial participation to enlarge the pathway for increased diversity in clinical trials.

Multiple states have enacted statutes to govern procedures when a state seeks to execute a person who may be incompetent to understand why s/he is being so punished, an area of the law that has always been riddled with confusion. The Supreme Court, in Panetti v. Quarterman, sought to clarify matters, ruling that a mentally ill defendant had a constitutional right to make a showing that his mental illness “obstruct[ed] a rational understanding of the State’s reason for his execution.”

However, the first empirical studies of how Panetti has been interpreted in federal courts painted a dismal picture. Only a handful of defendants have ever been successful in federal courts in seeking to enforce the Panetti ruling, and the authors of this abstract have characterized the relief ostensibly offered by that case as nothing more than an “illusion” or a “mirage” in a federal context. The issues of believability of experts, allegations of malingering, and “synthetic competency” dominate these decisions.

In this paper, we seek to expand this inquiry to determine (1) how defendants in state courts seeking to assert Panetti claims have fared, and (2) the extent to which state statutes have made any meaningful difference in the way such cases have been decided. We also investigate the significance of the fact that the caselaw in this area has totally ignored the teachings of the school of legal thought known as therapeutic jurisprudence and offer some conclusions and recommendations (based on therapeutic jurisprudence principles) that, if implemented, can (at least partially) ameliorate this situation.

The United States Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization made it drastically harder for women to access abortions. The Dobbs decision has had a disproportionate impact on women who are incarcerated or on some form of community supervision such as probation or parole. This Note analyzes a potential right to an abortion for women involved in the criminal justice system, even those living in states that have banned or deeply restricted abortion access after the Dobbs decision. In doing so, this Note looks for different constitutional avenues to protect incarcerated women’s right to an abortion, including under the Eighth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

This Note examines the effects of Title IX’s equal treatment framework on female collegiate athletes in the context of the female athlete triad. It describes the shortcomings of Title IX’s equal treatment approach and its deleterious effects on the health of female student athletes. It argues for the adoption of the special treatment approach as a remedy.

When federal district court Judge Carlton Reeves penned his opinion in U.S. v. Mississippi,1 the case that seemed poised to overhaul Mississippi’s suffering mental health system, he began with the story of Ms. Melanie Worsham, a mental health patient, also a certified peer support specialist. Ms. Worsham works to help those like herself who suffer with lifelong serious mental illness (SMI) to “overcome the obstacles that might be getting in their way of living the life they want to live.” She also assists those with SMI by aiding in “navigating the system, to find resources, and then just being moral support.”2

Eating disorders are one of the most common chronic illnesses among adolescents. Yet, our current framework for mental health care provides limited education, access to care, and support for adolescents suffering from this disease. The enactment of key legislation and federal guidance such as the Paul Wellstone and Pete Domenici Mental Health Parity and Addiction Equity Act of 2008 (MHPAEA) is evidence that there are steps being taken to ensure the removal of barriers to care. However, eating disorders are often overlooked as a category of behavioral disorders. This paper analyzes the current legal and social framework for providing care and support to adolescents suffering from eating disorders. In doing so, it offers recommendations to develop stronger protective and responsive measures to ensure access, support, and care to these individuals.

Debates over the effectiveness, constitutionality, and fairness of medical malpractice damage caps are as old as the laws themselves. Though some courts have struck down damage caps under state constitutional provisions, the vast majority hesitate to invalidate malpractice reform legislation. Instead, statutory interpretation offers a non-constitutional method of challenging the broad scope of damage caps without fully invalidating legislative efforts to curtail “excessive” malpractice liability. This Note examines the term “health care providers” in construing malpractice reform laws and identifies two predominant forms of statutory interpretation that state courts apply. In doing so, this Note offers recommendations for courts and legislatures to best balance the goals of the malpractice reform movement with patients’ interests in recovery for medical injuries.

This RCD discusses the recent development in Lange v Houston County. In this case, the United States District Court for The Middle District Of Georgia Macon Division found that an Exclusion Policy, prohibiting health insurance coverage of gender-affirming surgery for an employee, Anna Lange, violated Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. On appeal, the Defendants argued that the District Court erred in its decision and relied on the cost burden of gender-affirming surgery as one of their defenses. This RCD highlights that cost is a common defense tactic used by defendants in these cases. However, the author argues that these concerns are unfounded and meritless given the cost-effectiveness of including gender-affirming surgeries in health insurance plans, as highlighted in the RCD.

Artificial intelligence (AI) is being tested and deployed in major hospitals to monitor patients, leading to improved health outcomes, lower costs, and time savings. This uptake is in its infancy, with new applications being considered. In this Article, the challenges of deploying AI in mental health wards are examined by reference to AI surveillance systems, suicide prediction and hospital administration. The examination highlights risks surrounding patient privacy, informed consent, and data considerations. Overall, these risks indicate that AI should only be used in a psychiatric ward after careful deliberation, caution, and ongoing reappraisal.

This Note explores an alarming, decades-old trend that has received renewed attention from enforcement agencies and the media: nursing homes suing family members and friends ("relatives") for residents’ unpaid bills. As justification, nursing homes point to “responsible party” clauses within admission agreements signed by relatives during the admission process. Undeterred by the 1987 Federal Nursing Home Reform Act’s (FNHRA) prohibition on requiring relatives to act as financial guarantors in exchange for residents’ admission, nursing homes use carefully worded “responsible party” clauses to obtain virtually the same result: relatives’ total liability for residents’ unpaid balances. Relatives are frequently caught off-guard by these lawsuits; many who sign admission agreements do so without a proper understanding of the potential liability they are assuming and have limited (if any) access to residents’ assets. This problem is aggravated by several aspects of the admission process that disadvantage relatives, such as the stressful and emotional nature of admission, the complicated language in admission agreements, and the inadequate—at times, misleading—guidance provided by nursing homes. This Note examines the tension between the FNHRA’s financial protections for relatives and nursing homes’ admission practices and use of “responsible party” clauses. Furthermore, this Note proposes solutions aimed at better informing relatives of the legal risks associated with “responsible party” clauses.

Propaganda and manipulation have long been employed to influence and shape individuals’ thoughts and identities. In the advent of the digital era, these techniques have become more sophisticated and invasive, and are utilized to further various causes. This article investigates the extent to which international human rights law affords protection against manipulation techniques such as microtargeting and behavioral reading, which can negatively impact individuals’ mental health and autonomy by threatening their right to construct their own identity. The right to freedom of thought in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (Article 18), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (Article 18), and the European Convention on Human Rights (Article 9) offers absolute protection to individuals’ inner selves and covers the protection against manipulation on paper. However, in practice, the right has not received much attention and has not reached its full potential due to its abstract and ambiguous nature. This Article analyzes the preparatory works of these human rights law instruments, with a particular focus on the right to freedom of thought, to clarify its origins and the intention behind its creation. The Article contends that the historical origins of the right do not provide sufficient answers to the current issue and contribute to the ineffective application of the right against emerging manipulative practices. The Article also proposes potential ways to clarify and strengthen the legal framework related to the right to freedom of thought.