The Madrid International Plan of Action on Ageing is the most important United Nations (UN) document on population ageing for 20 years and sets the context for global policies on ageing for the current century. Drawing from the authors' active participation in the preparation of the draft that formed the basis of the Madrid Plan, the primary purpose of this article is to describe the two-year process of development of the Plan. Then the main features of the Plan are outlined, including the pivotal role of the society for all ages concept and its thematic foundations. The Madrid Plan is contrasted with its Vienna predecessor of 20 years earlier – the priority given to developing countries in the former is identified as one of the key differences between them. Following a brief outline of the implementation and monitoring processes for the Madrid Plan, a model is presented as a potential template for use in evaluating the impact of the Plan and, especially, its effectiveness in improving the conditions of older people's lives. It is argued that a systematic process of monitoring and evaluation is required if the Plan is not to suffer the fate of being regarded as yet another worthy ‘wish list’.

This article introduces the seven specially commissioned papers in this special issue of Ageing & Society from the projects funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council's Growing Older Programme. The ESRC Programme has been the largest single investment in social sciences research on ageing in the United Kingdom. It comprised 24 projects and, when operating at full capacity, 96 researchers. The article details the background to the Programme, its commissioning process, its eventual structure and how it operated. Then a selection is made of some of the ways in which the Programme has contributed new knowledge to social gerontology. No attempt is made to achieve comprehensive coverage of the Programme's topics but rather a selection is presented of the new insights generated under its six themes: defining and measuring quality of life, inequalities in quality of life, technology and the built environment, healthy and active ageing, family and support networks, and participation and activities in later life. The projects were spread unevenly across these themes but important new knowledge has been produced under each theme. The conclusion emphasises the scientific contribution of the Programme and especially the extent to which older people's own attitudes, aspirations and preferences have been at the forefront, but it questions whether or not policy makers and practitioners will use this major evidence base.

Explicit in the current construction of Alzheimer's disease is the assumption that memory impairment caused by cognitive deficiencies leads to a steady loss of selfhood. The insistence that selfhood is the exclusive privilege of the sphere of cognition has its origins in the modern western philosophical tradition that separates mind from body, and positions the former as superior to the latter. This dichotomy suggests a fundamental passivity of the body, since it is primarily cognition that is held to be essential to selfhood. In contrast to the assumed erasure of selfhood in Alzheimer's disease, and challenging the philosophical underpinnings of this assumption, this paper presents the findings of an ethnographic study of selfhood in Alzheimer's disease in a Canadian long-term care facility. It argues and demonstrates that selfhood persists even with severe dementia, because it is an embodied dimension of human existence. Using a framework of embodiment that integrates the perspectives of Merleau-Ponty and Bourdieu, it is argued that selfhood is characterised by an observable coherence and capacity for improvisation, and sustained at a pre-reflective level by the primordial and socio-cultural significance of the body. The participants in this study interacted meaningfully with the world through their embodied way of ‘being-in-the-world’.

Most social research on ageing in Asia has focused on the support provided by adult children to their parents, and thereby suggests that as a matter of course older people are in need of support. This paper offers a different perspective. Drawing on ethnographic and quantitative data from a village in East Java, it examines the extent of older people's dependence on others and highlights the material and practical contributions that they make to their families. It is shown that only a minority of older people are reliant on children or grandchildren for their daily survival. In the majority of cases, the net flow of inter-generational support is either downwards – from old to young – or balanced. Far from merely assisting with childcare and domestic tasks, older people are often the economic pillars of multi-generational families. Pension and agricultural incomes serve to secure the livelihoods of whole family networks, and the accumulated wealth of older parents is crucial for launching children into economic independence and underwriting their risks. Parental generosity does not generally elicit commensurate reciprocal support when it is needed, leaving many people vulnerable towards the end of their lives.

Two years into an Editorship is a good time to take stock. In the essentials, Ageing & Society is doing well. There is a healthy flow of quality submissions, and the ‘bank’ of accepted papers has built up to fill two issues ahead. In other words, the time between a paper's acceptance for publication and its appearance has extended to around 6–8 months. The interval will be held at this level. Recognising the increased number of papers that merit publication, Cambridge University Press has agreed to an expansion of a volume's pages by 12 per cent. They were happy to allow more, but we'll proceed step-by-step for, as it is, Jean Wilkinson works flat out.

This paper sets the scene and provides a conceptual framework for the articles in this special issue. They present the findings of research on European residents who have reached or are on the threshold of old age and whose current circumstances have been strongly influenced by a migration across an international border. Such ‘older migrants’ are scattered throughout Europe and they have especially diverse characteristics. They include some of the most deprived and socially excluded, and some of the most affluent and accomplished, but all to a greater or lesser extent are disadvantaged through an interaction between social policies and their ‘otherness’ by living in a foreign country. Some claim attention through the severity of their unmet health and welfare needs and poor capacity to access advice and treatment, while the affluent groups are of great interest to social gerontology because of their enterprising, developmental and positive approaches to old age. They include among the most innovative of the latest generation of older people, who pursue new combinations of family responsibilities, leisure pursuits and income generation. The paper proposes that the concept ‘human capital’ summarises variations in preparedness for old age, that is, the resources by which people cope with demands for income, roles, treatment, care and support. A typology of the ‘welfare position’ of international migrants in contemporary Europe is presented.

Several recent studies have documented a negative relationship between informal care-giving and labour market attachment in Great Britain. This paper examines the relationship from a longitudinal perspective using data from the Great Britain 1994–95 Family and Working Lives Survey. The first part of the paper studies the timing of informal care-giving to a sick, disabled or elderly person. This information is used in the second part to examine the effects of caring on employment. The results show that most carers look after only one dependant during their lives, and only around one-fifth to one-third look after a second dependant before the age of 65 years. Of all informal carers, about one-third had not been employed when they started caring for the first time in their lives, another third said that caring had no effect on their work arrangements, and about one-third reported one or several effects on their work arrangements, most commonly that they stopped working. Multivariate analyses show that semi-routine and routine manual workers report the strongest effects of care-giving. Part-time workers were more likely than full-time workers to reduce their hours of paid employment when they started caring.

Britain along with other western European countries has seen a marked decrease in allegiance to traditional forms of Christianity during the latter part of the 20th century. Although church attendance remains relatively high among older people compared with younger age groups, there has been little or no investigation into the stability or change of people's religious belief and practice with increasing age. This paper present findings on these issues from the Southampton Ageing Project, which from 1977–78 to 2002 followed 342 people almost all of whom had had an entirely Christian religious education and all of whom at the outset were aged 65 or more years. Although religion has continued to have considerable meaning in the lives of up to one-half of the participants, approximately one-quarter of the sample expressed a declining commitment to a religious faith and to church membership. The participants' accounts of their recent life experiences, for example following bereavement, give instances of disappointment with the support that they received from institutional religion and show that this was a factor in their declining adherence. They also provide suggestions for further investigation into the origin of this decline. The conclusion argues that the study of older people's religious and spiritual beliefs and practice should be integrated with the investigation of self and identity and of sources of existential meaning in later life.

This paper report results from a national survey of quality of life (QoL), based on 999 people aged 65 or more years living in private households in Britain. The study produced both qualitative and quantitative interview data. The 999 survey respondents were interviewed in their own homes with a semi-structured survey instrument, and 80 were followed-up in greater depth at one and two years after the baseline interview. The material from the in-depth interviews is presented here. The main QoL themes that emerged were: having good social relationships, help and support; living in a home and neighbourhood that is perceived to give pleasure, feels safe, is neighbourly and has access to local facilities and services including transport; engaging in hobbies and leisure activities (solo) as well as maintaining social activities and retaining a role in society; having a positive psychological outlook and acceptance of circumstances which cannot be changed; having good health and mobility; and having enough money to meet basic needs, to participate in society, to enjoy life and to retain one's independence and control over life. The results have implications for public policy, and supplement the growing body of knowledge on the composition and measurement of quality of life in older age.

In a rapidly changing society, young adults may play an important role in teaching older adults about social, cultural and technological changes. Thus older people who lack regular contact with younger people are at risk of being excluded from contemporary social developments. But how age-segregated are older people? The level of age-segregation of older people can be studied by examining the age-composition of personal social networks. Using NESTOR-LSN survey data from The Netherlands, we are able to determine the number of younger adults that people aged 55–89 years identify as members of their social networks, and to examine the factors that are associated with segregation or integration. The findings show that there is a large deficit of young adults in the networks of older people, and that few older people have regular contact with younger non-kin. If age were not a factor in the selection of network members, one would expect the age distribution of adult network members to be the same as the age distribution of the entire adult population, but the ratio of actual to expected non-kin network members aged under 35 years for those aged 65–74 years is only 0.10. And only 15 per cent of the population aged 80 or more years has weekly contact with any non-kin aged less than 65 years. The number of children is strongly related to the total number of younger network members, because most younger network members are adult children. Further, participating in organisations (work and volunteer settings) that include people of diverse ages increases the likelihood of an older person having significant cross-age interactions with non-kin.

Empirical studies in several disciplines including sociology, psychology and communications science have investigated images of older people in the mass media, but analyses to date have failed systematically to apply gerontological concepts and to compare the portrayal of old age with ‘real-world’ evidence. A model of older people's internal and external resources was used to assess the portrayal of older people in prime-time television drama series. Three hours of programmes broadcast over six weeks in 2001 of 32 prime-time television series on the four German networks with the largest market shares were examined. The age of 355 portrayed characters were estimated, and the socio-economic, health-related and psychological resources of the 30 characters rated as 60 years or older were assessed. Observational categories and rating dimensions were developed on the basis of the resource model. Older people were heavily under-represented, especially women and those of advanced old age. Furthermore, the representation of older people's social participation and financial resources was overly positive. Finally, older women and men were portrayed in traditional gender roles. The antecedents and consequences of the biased portrayals (of old and young people) are discussed from a psychological perspective.

The objective of this paper is to present the findings of a quantitative study of Swiss elderly residents on the Costa Blanca (in the Province of Alicante, Spain) and of an ethnographic study of their British counterparts in Fuengirola and Los Boliches on the Costa del Sol (in the Province of Málaga). We examine the German concept Heimat and its value as an organising construct for understanding the aspirations and actions of foreign retirees resident in Spain, and explore whether globalisation undermines locality to the extent that being in a particular geographical place is no longer a prerequisite for feeling at home. The paper describes the social life and patterns of association of these groups of retired people, in terms of social clubs, leisure activities, voluntary associations, charity groups and self-help groups, relations with home, and relations to Spaniards and people from other countries. It compares the results of the two studies in an analysis of the strategies that the two groups adopt for constructing social communities and for finding a new home. This paper thus provides some insights into what older people seek in later life in terms of their residence, co-resident groups, social contacts and lifestyle choices.

Modernisation and ageing theory has provided the main platform for the debate on changes in family support for older people in both the industrialised and the developing worlds. Although its well-known proposition of an ‘abandonment’ of older people in individualistic society has received much attention and been solidly refuted, the modernisation model continues to be the principal and most common framework for explaining the decline in familial material support for older people – both historically in the West, or at present in developing countries. The main rival explanation is provided by materialist accounts. The ability of these explanations to provide a meaningful understanding of why material family support may diminish has however received little if any analytical attention, despite its vital policy relevance, especially for the developing world. This paper critically examines the content and basis of both explanatory models. For each it exposes fundamental conceptual and epistemological limitations that render neither able to provide a solid understanding of the nature and causes of decline in support. Building on this analysis, the paper proposes a new approach in order to develop a fuller conceptual and empirical understanding.

During the last two decades, northern European retirement residence in the southern European sunbelt has grown strongly and its forms have rapidly changed, but standard demographic and social statistical sources provide no information about the flows, the migrants or their increasingly mobile and complex residential patterns. Considerable primary research has however recently been undertaken into the causes, conditions, experiences and consequences of international retirement migration (IRM) by investigators from Germany, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Many collaborated when designing their studies and instruments, and all have subsequently worked together in a European Science Foundation Scientific Network. This paper compares the findings of six systematic social surveys in (to be more precise than the title) eight regions of southern Europe and the Canary Islands: all that have tackled similar research questions with similar methods and instruments. It presents interpretations of several comparative tables compiled from their original data, with a focus on the socio-economic backgrounds, motivations and behaviour of the various migrant groups and their relationship with the host and home countries. The paper presents new findings about the typical and variant forms of IRM, and additional understanding of the heterogeneity of the retirees of different nations and in the several regions.

This paper uses qualitative data from a cross-national study of ‘cash for care’ schemes in five European countries (Austria, France, Italy, The Netherlands and the United Kingdom) to consider the concepts of empowerment and independence in relation to both care-users and care-givers. The paper locates the schemes along two axes, one of regulation/non-regulation, the other whether relatives can be paid or not. Each of the schemes has a different impact both on the care relationship and on the labour market for care. In The Netherlands where relatives can be paid, for example, a fully commodified form of informal care emerges; but in Austria and Italy with low regulation, a mix of informal and formal care-givers/workers has emerged with many international migrant workers. In the UK, direct payments allow care-users to employ local care-workers who deliver care for various lengths of time; while in France a credentialised system means that care-work is delivered by qualified workers but for very short intervals. The main conclusion is that none of these schemes have a simple outcome or advantage, and that the contexts in which they occur and the nature of their regulation has to be understood before drawing conclusions about their impact on empowerment and independence on both sides of the care relationship.

There is increasing recognition of the importance of social and cultural differences in shaping the diversity of the ageing experience in contemporary Britain. Various social and cultural factors, such as those associated with class, ethnicity, gender and disability, influence people's living circumstances and sources of support in later life. While they have been the subject of considerable speculation, ageing in a non-heterosexual context remains remarkably under-studied. This paper examines the difference that being non-heterosexual makes to how people experience ageing and later life. It draws on quantitative and qualitative data gathered for a British study of the living circumstances of non-heterosexuals aged between the fifties and the eighties. Previous work has overwhelmingly emphasised how individuals manage their sexual identities, but this paper focuses on the factors that shape the non-heterosexual experience of ageing and later life. Particular attention is paid to the relational and community contexts in which non-heterosexuals negotiate personal ageing. This not only provides insights into the specific challenges that ageing presents for non-heterosexuals, but also offers insights into the challenges faced by ageing non-heterosexuals and heterosexuals in ‘detraditionalised’ settings.

Adult incontinence violates social norms and values and undermines the personal expectation of being independent, dry and clean. Urinary incontinence is widely known to have a psychological impact on elderly people. This paper reports the findings of a study of the impact of incontinence on a convenience sample of older people in Hong Kong. Several of the results concur with those of studies in western countries. It was found that the prevalence of urinary incontinence increased with adult age, and that the condition affected women more than men. Over half of both men and women respondents had suffered for less than three years. It appeared that the period of suffering was not strongly associated with the level of incontinence. There were no significant differences between the duration and the level of incontinence, or between health status and years of suffering. About 80 per cent of the incontinent respondents had negative psychological impacts. There were significant differences between the sexes in the impact of urinary incontinence as indicated by the following items: elderly men found incontinence more stressful than their women counterparts; and elderly men more often strove to hide their incontinence from their friends. In summary, older men reported more negative psychological effects than older women. This study is not able to conclude that the psychological suffering of those who reported more negative effects is greater than that of those who reported fewer.

This article aims to identify and analyse the lifecourse and contextual factors that influence the quality of life in early old age. We conceptualise quality of life as distinct from the factors which influence it, and employ a model of the quality of life that is derived from an explicit theory of human need. The operational measure (CASP-19) consists of 19 Likert-scaled items which cover four theoretical domains: control, autonomy, self-realisation and pleasure. A postal questionnaire was sent to 286 British people aged 65–75 years who were members of the sample for the 1930s Boyd-Orr study of health and diet and who had been followed up through retrospective interviews during the late 1990s. The 286 were broadly representative of their age group. The survey's response rate was 92 per cent. Respondents provided information on a number of contextual influences on their quality of life in early old age, notably social support and participation, the quality and quantity of social contact, feelings of trust and reciprocity about the local neighbourhood, health and financial security. In the analyses reported here, a series of conceptual and operational influences on quality of life in early old age is identified using block regression models. Finally, the relative impact of each predictor on CASP-19 is examined. The findings suggest that the legacy of the past tends to be best captured by people's feelings about the adequacy of their pensions and their status as owner-occupiers as well as a feeling that the area in which they live is deprived. The quality of the social contact people describe and how close they feel to those around them will ameliorate the negative impacts of the past and the immediate environment. In addition, we must recognise that people remain vulnerable to the impact of loss: recent bereavement, and major illnesses can impact on a person's quality of life.

This paper presents, analyses and interprets expressions of the experience of advanced old age based upon the concepts of the French phenomenologist, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and the German philosopher, Martin Heidegger. During 1990, 262 older residents of the city of Jyväskylä in central Finland were interviewed. They were born in 1910 and aged 80 years at the time. In addition to collecting epidemiological data, the narrative stories on the ageing experience of a sub-sample of 20 respondents (10 men and 10 women) were tape-recorded. A five-year follow-up was carried out with the same cohort in 1995, when 17 of the original sub-sample of 20 were still alive. Unlike five years previously, most of the narrators said they had now crossed the line into old age. At the ten-year follow-up in 2000, six women and four men were still alive to describe their experience at 90 years of age. Collective history and objective structures had provided a common foundation for my narrators' notions of the world – of right and wrong and of good and bad. Over their lifetime, this socio-cultural background had gradually changed, and they perceived the changes. Moreover, in the earlier stages of the study, they voiced criticisms of these changes. At age 90 years, however, they no longer criticised society or its people. By this time, it seems they felt they had completed the mission of living a life.

This article sets out to examine ethnic differences in the key influences on quality of life for older people in the context of the increasing health and wealth of British older people generally and the ageing of the post-1945 migrants. It is based on secondary multivariate analysis of the Fourth National Survey of Ethnic Minorities of England and Wales. Respondents aged 45–74 years belonging to four ethnic groups (1,068 white, 514 Caribbean, 581 Indian and East African Asian, and 199 Pakistani) were included in the analysis, which focuses on differences between ethnic groups by age and gender, using the white population as the reference group. Four dimensions (incorporating seven factors) that influence the quality of life were determined among this age group: quality of neighbourhood (availability of local amenities, and problems with crime and the physical environment); social networks and community participation (strength of family networks, and community participation); material conditions (income, wealth and housing conditions) and health. The relative position of the four ethnic groups on the seven factors illustrated two contrasting patterns. For the factors based on conventional indicators of social inequalities – such as material circumstances, health, participation in formal social networks, and quality of the physical environment – the white group ranked highest, the Pakistanis lowest, and the Indian and Caribbean groups ranked second and third. But factors that capture more immediate and subjective elements, such as frequency of family contact and the desirability of the residential neighbourhood, displayed a diametrically opposite rank-order, with the Pakistani group ranked first and the white group fourth. The study highlights the value of examining separately the various influences on quality of life. Contradictory patterns are revealed in key influences that are hidden by global measures. The study also reveals the difficulty of identifying culturally-neutral measures of quality of locality, with ethnic minority groups having a more positive perception of their area than rated by conventional measures of area deprivation such as the Index of Deprivation.