In a paper in the January issue of this volume of Ageing & Society, Eric Midwinter argued that ‘much can be learned from re-drawing the demographic map with social rather than chronological contours’. This opinion reflects a widespread view among social gerontologists that chronological age is an ‘empty’ variable, even though it is central to the construction of social identities, both in bureaucratic contexts and in less formal social interaction. This paper draws on material stored in the Mass-Observation Archive at the University of Sussex, England. A large panel of ‘ordinary people’ was asked to write about ‘growing older’ in 1992 and about ‘birthdays’ in 2002. An analysis of the ways in which they revealed their age demonstrates that the revelation of chronological age is unproblematic in certain contexts that are deemed appropriate. Difficulties arise as a result of the association of age with various more nebulous statuses such as ‘middle-aged’ and ‘old’. The implications for the concept of ‘the third age’ are discussed and it is concluded that social gerontology should pay more attention to the theoretical significance of chronological age and age-identity and less to age statuses.

Chronological age can be an unsatisfactory method of discriminating between older people. The lay concept of how old people actually feel may be more useful. The aim of the analyses reported in this paper was to investigate indicators of age-identity (or subjective age) among a national random sample of people aged 65 or more years living at home in Britain. Information was initially collected by home interview and a follow-up postal questionnaire 12–18 months later. The age that respondents felt was a more sensitive indicator than chronological age of many indicators of the respondents’ health, psychological and social characteristics. Multiple regression analysis showed that baseline health and functional status, and reported changes in these at follow-up, explained 20.4 per cent of the variance in self-perceived age. Adding baseline mental health (anxiety/depression), feelings and fears about ageing at follow-up explained a further 0.8 per cent of the variance, making the total variance explained 21.2 per cent. It is concluded that measures of physical health and functional status and their interactions influenced age-identity. Mental health status and psychological perceptions made a small but significant additional contribution.

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between traumatic events that arise across the lifecourse and a sense of meaning in later life. In the process, three important issues are evaluated. First, analyses are performed to see if traumatic events at six different points in the lifecourse are associated with a sense of meaning in life. Second, an effort is made to see if current emotional support helps reduce the deleterious effects of trauma on meaning, and whether current levels of negative inter-personal contacts exacerbate the effects of trauma on meaning in life. Third, the relationship between trauma and meaning is assessed in three age cohorts: the young-old, the old-old and oldest-old. Findings from a nationwide United States survey reveal that trauma arising between the ages of 18 and 30 years is associated with a diminished sense of meaning in life, and that current emotional support reduces the effects of trauma on meaning, whereas negative inter-personal contacts tend to intensify the pernicious effects of trauma on meaning in life. Further analyses suggest that the relationships among trauma, emotional support, and negative inter-personal contacts emerge primarily in the oldest-old cohort.

This paper reports a study of the situations of disadvantaged older people in contemporary South African townships. It draws from their own accounts that were collected through ethnographic research in day centres and care homes. Most of the informants had experienced a succession of serious material, psychological, social and cultural losses. Their lives had been characterised by violence, inequality, disruption and poverty. A dominant theme in their accounts is that they can hardly ‘get through’ their lives. Their thankless, even alienated, situations are not only a function of personal losses but also have much to do with the recent political and social history of South Africa. The colonial and Apartheid eras have by and large been excluded from the country's collective memory, with the result that older people's experiences of those times are not valued as affirmational reminiscence or for shaping a kin group's common identity. Expressed recollections have acquired a different function, of being a means of articulating moral judgements on the present. The result is that memories, rather than bringing the generations together, have the opposite effect and widen the gap in understanding between the older and younger generations. This in turn has serious effects on older people's wellbeing. The silencing of memories reflects the society's radical break with the past, which has made it difficult for younger people to mourn or sympathise with older people's losses. While far from helpless victims, many of the older township residents lack meaningful frames by which to locate themselves in contemporary South African society.

The increases in human longevity and early retirement in recent decades have posed new challenges for policy makers, and require a comprehensive understanding of the processes that influence the economic resources of older people. This paper examines the income mobility experienced by older people living in Britain and Germany during the 1990s, and identifies the influential personal attributes and lifecourse events. The analysis uses British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP) panel data. The comparative perspective yields insights about the different income experiences of older people in the two markedly different welfare regimes. It is found that old-age income mobility has been more pronounced in Britain than in Germany, and that in both countries its occurrence was strongly associated with changes in living arrangements, with the employment status of co-residents, and with widowhood among women. Unemployment during working life associated significantly with negative late-life income mobility. Among those on low incomes, a high share of income from an earnings-related pension had a significant and positive effect in both countries. To reduce downward income mobility in old age, particularly among widows, there is a need to strengthen the social safety-net. Policies are required to encourage flexible living arrangements in old age, as well as to give greater protection in later life from unemployment during working life, especially in Germany.

This qualitative study explores the conditions and experiences of older adults' ‘formal’ volunteering through non-profit organisations (NPOs) in Toronto from both organisational and individual perspectives. In spite of the ageing population and the need for NPOs to expand their services, the participation of Canadian seniors in community volunteering has been stagnant for 15 years. What organisational and structural supports might encourage the expansion of volunteering among this group? How do current administrative conditions impact upon senior volunteers? What do older adults expect to gain from community volunteering? The qualitative data collected through interviews, documents and participant observation are analysed using an inter-disciplinary framework that combines theories of the moral economy of ageing, adult development and transformative learning. The results include a socio-demographic profile of senior volunteers in 12 Toronto NPOs, and the administrative characteristics of the six organisations that engage the majority. It is argued that the self-help and transformative mechanisms embedded in community volunteering provide opportunities for retirees to sustain their self-esteem and sense of wellbeing, while cultivating ‘generativity’ in late adulthood. Promoting transformative learning enables community volunteering to provide meaningful roles for seniors, and promotes citizenship participation and the social economy in an ageing society.

Quality of life has become increasingly important as an outcome in medical research. The influence of health status is often emphasised, but other dimensions are important. In order to improve quality of life, there is a need to know what people themselves consider important to their perception of quality of life. The aim of this study was to investigate what older people consider to be important for their quality of life, and to explore the impact of gender, education and health status on individual perceptions. The study was of 141 randomly selected people aged from 67 to 99 years that formed a control sample for a study of suicide among older people. They were interviewed in person about their health, socio-demographic background and, using an open-ended question, what they considered to constitute quality of life. Their answers were grouped into eight categories, with social relations being the most frequent response, followed by health, activities, functional ability, wellbeing, personal beliefs and attitudes, their own home and personal finances. In addition, they were asked to choose from a ‘show card’ three items that they regarded as important to quality of life. Functional ability was the most frequently selected domain, followed by physical health, social relations and being able to continue to live in one's present home. Our conclusion is that social relations, functional ability and activities influence the quality of life of elderly people as much as health status.

Research and theory on ‘dependency’ and ‘care-giving’ have to date proceeded along largely separate lines, with little sense that they are exploring and explaining different aspects of the same phenomenon. Research on ‘care’, initially linked to feminism during the early 1980s, has revealed and exposed to public gaze what was hitherto assumed to be a ‘natural’ female activity. Conversely, disability activists and writers who have promoted a social model of disability have seen the language of and the policy focus upon ‘care’ as oppressive and objectifying. ‘Dependency’ is an equally contested concept: sociologists have scrutinised the social construction of dependency; politicians have ascribed negative connotations of passivity; while medical and social policy discourse employs the term in a positivist sense as a measure of physical need for professional intervention. Autonomy and independence, in contrast, are promoted as universal and largely unproblematic goals. These contrasting perspectives have led social theory, research and policies to separate and segregate the worlds of ‘carers’ from those for whom they ‘care’. Drawing on the work of Kittay and others, this paper explores the ways in which sociological perspectives can develop new understanding of the social contexts of ‘care’ and ‘dependence’.