This chapter discusses how international courts operate, and how their jurisdiction is dependent on consent of states. It goes systematically through notions of jurisdiction, admissibility, interim measures, and compensation, ending with a discussion of advisory opinions and the possibilities for judicial review

The chapter discusses the basics of the law of the global commons (seas, air, outer space), by concentrating on what states can do in which zones or spaces

The most serious economic pressure came exactly two years after the failed coup from more than 3,700 kilometres away from Turkey – from the USA. The Turkish economy was thrust into a full-blown currency crisis when in August 2018 the US president, Donald Trump, raised tariffs on Turkey's steel and aluminium exports to the US, resulting in the country's most serious economic crisis since the AKP had come to power 16 years before. Even the 2008 global financial crisis and economic downturn had not caused this level of decline in Turkey's economy. The Turkish lira lost more than 40 per cent of its value in the first two weeks of August. The pretext for Trump's punishing attack on Turkey was the continued detention of the US Presbyterian missionary Andrew Brunson, who was arrested in October 2016 on charges of espionage and accused of involvement in the attempted coup of July that same year.

There was, however, a background to these economic problems; they were not simply the result of Trump's tariffs. Within a year after the 2013 Taksim Gezi protest movements, the Turkish economy had begun to display some serious problems. In 2014, many members of the country's economic and financial team leading key institutions were replaced with political loyalists with little or no experience. Government intervention in several major banks risked an impact on the entire financial sector. The government's haphazard audits and its pestering of local and foreign investors for political reasons also damaged the economy. These domestic factors relating to mismanagement contributed to the economic and financial headaches but were not the main reason for the crisis. As in many other turning points in Turkey's economic development process for the past two decades, and the development processes of other dependent economies, the main structural reason for this sudden setback could be found in the global context. There had been signs of dark clouds accumulating in the global system since 2012, when the growth of the world economy weakened considerably and contiuned to remain weak.

This chapter concludes the book and sketches some of the limits of what may be expected from international law

This chapter discusses the position (and especially protection) of the individual in international law, whether through human rights law, refugee law, the right to self-determination, or other means

Chapter 10 analyses the ‘global-Atlantic consumption driver’ of Britain's ‘late-industrialization’ in the context of global uneven and combined development. It returns to the theme of Indian structural power which, through the Afro-Indian global cotton whip of necessity, pushed the British to develop their own cotton sector through industrialization. The story of Britain's cotton industrialization in part rests on meeting the consumption needs of the Africans who accepted predominantly Indian cotton textiles in payment. The British had little choice but to mechanise cotton-textile production first because their spinners were not sophisticated enough to spin the all-important warp thread; and second, because in the face of a tiny workforce they could not compete with the vastly superior output that the millions of Indians (and Chinese) pumped out. Moreover, the British ‘combined’ or emulated various production techniques from the Indians when it came to industrializing their cotton and iron/steel sectors, though they might also have learned from China with respect to the latter sector. Also important was the role of the late-developer British state via the imposition of high tariffs and re-export substitution industrialization. In sum, though British developmental agency was important, so too was the global context.

Thus chapter discusses the basics of international responsibility, focusing mostly on states. It details how states can be held responsible, what the consequences thereof may be, and discusses the circumstances precluding wrongfulness. It further analyzes the responsibility of international organizations and of individuals under international law

This chapter discusses the complicated relationship between international alw and domestic law, focusing on international law is received by domestic legal orders

This chapter discusses how international law is made, and how it can be identified

this chapter discusses the outline of the legal regulation of the global economy, focusing on how the system is divided into separate domains (trade, finance, investment, etc) and provides basic overviews of each of these

This chapter discusses international law in context: how it relates to its political environment as well as to ethical concerns, and how the ethics of individual agents may be of relevance

“If the Earth were a single state, İstanbul would be its capital.” – Napoleon Bonaparte is alleged to have said (Schultz 2015)

Over 600 years ago, the eminent Islamic scholar Ibn Khaldun who is considered as the true founding Father of modern sociology, celebrated the transformational nature of cities and their contribution to the advancement of civilization: “The level of a civilization can be estimated by the size and growth of its cities, an inevitable consequence of the development of human society” (Ibn Khaldun, Al-Muqaddimah 1377). By that measure, Turkey has done amazingly well. Today, Turkey is among the most urbanized countries in Europe. In comparison to European countries, the average size of its large urban zones is over 1.1 million inhabitants, nearly twice the EU average and greater than any other country in Europe. Among comparable countries, only South Korea managed a faster rate of urban growth in the years, 1950 to 2013. But more than any other city, it is İstanbul, home to 16 million people, that dominates the urban landscape, accounting for more than 20 per cent of Turkey's urban population (World Bank 2015: 9–10).

A series of nationwide protests in May and June 2013 signify one of the most significant moments in the AKP rule in Turkey. The protests began on 27 May 2013 as a small campaign against the government's redevelopment plans for Gezi Park in Taksim Square in central İstanbul. Since its beginnings in 2002, the AKP regime has been unique in Turkish history, in terms of its economic and political use of the construction sector. It chose construction as the locomotive of its high expectations, that is, to create an active process of development and a lively domestic market. The rapidly rising housing complexes, skyscrapers, giant malls, wide boulevards and the construction of fast motorways, airports, tunnels and metros meant job opportunities for a significant section of the population. In 2004, there were one million people working in the construction sector; this number had reached 2.2 million by 2014. Moreover, all of these projects were considered accomplishments that would be perceived by the electorate as clear signs of economic growth and hence the success of the regime (Sonmez 2015).

This chapter discusses the way international law aims to help protect the environment (or does not), by focusing on relevant legal instruments and relevant instances