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Now, more than ever, doing business with China presents uncertainty. This uncertainty is not limited to China alone. How relations between the West and China will evolve is also unclear. Michael Green and Scott Kennedy of CSIS, a Washington, DC, think tank, observe that “global companies that have thrived on doing business with China are not well prepared to adapt to this new normal or to try and stem the tide”. When talking with companies, Green says that he found “an unexpected combination of overconfidence and resignation in their views”. In fact, this may not be so unexpected. Uncertainty evokes an emotional response as often as a push for rational analysis. “Common wisdom from the psychologist's perspective is that people do not like uncertainty, especially about the future, and that it generates a negative response.” Psychologists call this “ambiguity aversion”. Faced with uncertainty, some multinationals understandably take a “wait and see” approach to investment in their China business. For the largest investments, this makes sense in the depths of Covid-19 lockdowns. But uncertainty is not going away, and companies need to decide in order to succeed.
The track record of experts in predicting China's future is not good. “China cannot grow into an industrial giant in the 21st century. Its population is too large and its gross domestic product too small.” So wrote Bruce Nelan in an October 1992 edition of Time magazine under the title “How the world will look in 50 years”. Twenty years later the situation had already changed, with China serving as the “factory of the world”, providing multinational companies with low-cost manufactured goods. In 2014 distinguished Harvard professors Regina Abrami, William Kirby and Warren McFarlan could still pen an article with the title “Why China can't innovate”. Many still asserted that “China [was] largely a land of rule-bound rote learners” that could only imitate, not innovate. The argument was based largely on an assumption that those working within the constraints of an authoritarian regime could not innovate. Eight years later China was producing technology innovations across a range of industries and is likely to move ahead in others before too long.
This chapter opens the third part of the book in which a new theoretical account called collective equality is offered. At the core of collective equality, we find a recognition of the centrality of collectives and their equal relations as the primary pillar of justice and peace. Deeply divided places riven by ethno-national conflicts are characterized not only by national divide, but most often by practices of discrimination, political exclusion, and domination of one ethno-national group over the other(s). While the national divide itself is unlikely to disappear in such places, the way in which the ethno-national “border” is managed, or in other words how the groups and their members relate and interact, can dramatically change. Alongside liberal multiculturalism and liberal nationalism, collective equality introduces the paradigm of equality between the national groups that occupy a specific territory. In the realities of conflict-riven places, this new paradigm must respond to concerns that lay at the root of contemporary conflicts – the objection to or fear of foreign domination – common to both national minorities and national majorities caught in an “intimate conflict.”
For Chinese electric vehicle buyers, “it isn't [about] handling, braking, acceleration ‒ it's how well connected is your vehicle, and here Volkswagen is behind,” says Michael Dunne of automotive consultancy ZoZoGo, an advisor on the Chinese market to large carmakers. Being run from Germany, he adds, may have put VW's China business at a disadvantage.
This 2022 Financial Times article laid bare the decline of VW's China success story. VW had led the way in localization, with a 1984 joint venture and the launch in 1999 of a long-wheelbase model targeting the needs of the Chinese market. Now, with China's automotive market both the largest and most innovative in the world, the Localizer needed to localize more. As Herbert Diess, CEO, announced in Beijing following the first fall in car sales for 20 years, “The future of the Volkswagen Group will be decided in the Chinese market.” A taste of things to come in China's Dual Circulation economy?
Dual Circulation changes what foreign companies need to do. It both describes the context for business strategies that involve China and reshapes these strategies. First, the clear dividing line marked out between internal and external circulation highlights the divergent and distinct business environments between China and other markets. The much-discussed need to localize and adapt to the China context is stronger than ever. Second, the ambitions of Dual Circulation to create a technologically more capable and self-reliant China with a much larger consuming middle class change the nature of the China opportunity. In the near term, these ambitions sharpen China's policy focus on how foreign companies can help China succeed, especially in key technologies. This presents business opportunities, yet often runs counter to the China policy of governments back at headquarters. Moreover, the very aim of Dual Circulation is often to strengthen the future competitors of multinationals. In the longer term, Chinese policy success would create a much larger market, albeit one with much more capable Chinese competitors. Such success is far from a foregone conclu-sion, however. State intervention in technology initiatives and repeated government failure to address China's sectoral imbalances could instead lead to wasted investment, stagnant growth and a withering of entrepreneurial dynamism.
Los cubanos de la isla han construido un futuro nunca alcanzado y los cubanos del exilio se encuentran ante la posibilidad de regresar a una ciudad muy diferente a la que ha perdurado en su memoria.
—Iván de la Nuez, La balsa perpetua: Soledad y conexiones de la cultura cubana —Barcelona, 1998
The impact of employment protection legislation has been thoroughly analyzed in varied contexts. Most studies highlight the potential harm of the legislation on labor outcomes, although evidence remains inconclusive. However, the literature has focused primarily on ex post impacts, analyzing the regulation’s effect after implementation. This article departs from that analysis to focus on anticipated or ex ante effects of labor regulation. More specifically, we study the role of firms’ expectations in future stricter labor legislation related to employment and income in Peru’s formal and informal labor market. To account for expectations, we used the number of news items related to the approval of a proposed law—the General Labor Law—to increase labor rigidities in Lima’s most important business newspaper. Using the Peruvian labor survey, we find a negative but decreasing relationship between firms’ expectations of a future stricter labor market and employment and average income. We also collect evidence that bigger news items and ones closer to the front page have a negative relationship with formal employment and income.
In recent decades international and regional human rights norms have been increasingly applied to constitutional provisions, revealing significant tensions between primary political arrangements, such as power-sharing institutions, and human rights norms. This book argues that these tensions, generally framed as a peace versus justice dilemma, are built on an individualistic conception of justice that fails to account for the empirical reality in places characterized by ethnically based political exclusion and inequalities. By introducing the concept of 'Collective Equality' as a new theoretical basis for the law of peace, this timely book proposes a new approach for dealing with the tensions between peace-related arrangements and human rights norms. Through principled, pragmatic, and legal reasoning the book develops a new paradigm that captures more accurately what equality and human rights mean and require in the context of ethno-national conflicts, and provides potent guidance for advancing justice and peace in such places.
The rapid growth of the field of international political economy since the 1970s has revived an older tradition of thought from the pre-1945 era. The Contested World Economy provides the first book-length analysis of these deep intellectual roots of the field, revealing how earlier debates about the world economy were more global and wide-ranging than usually recognized. Helleiner shows how pre-1945 pioneers of international political economy included thinkers from all parts of the world rather than just those from Europe and the United States featured in most textbooks. Their discussions also went beyond the much-studied debate between economic liberals, neomercantilists, and Marxists, and addressed wider topics, including many with contemporary relevance, such as environmental degradation, gender inequality, racial discrimination, religious worldviews, civilizational values, national self-sufficiency, and varieties of economic regionalism. This fascinating history of ideas sheds new light on current debates and the need for a global understanding of their antecedents.
How are immigrants’ feelings of inclusion and trust in political institutions affected by interactions with the host society? In a field dominated by observational correlation studies, I use a survey experiment in two national contexts to test how perceptions of discrimination and expressions of pro-immigrant support influence non-Western immigrants’ political trust and national belonging. Following standard experimental procedures to test the hypotheses, I attempt to prime perceptions of group discrimination by asking questions about unfair treatment. Expressions of pro-immigrant support are, in turn, primed with facts about public and institutional support for immigrants’ rights. The results from the survey experiment are in line with expectations from prior work in some subgroups and underline the importance of equal treatment to achieve social cohesion. They also paint a rather complex picture of discrimination and its psychological impact. These findings have substantial implications for our understanding of host societies’ roles in immigrant inclusion.
Contrary to conventional wisdom, globalization strengthens the linkage between the economy (across-border benchmarked measures) and vote choice, thereby facilitating electoral accountability by enriching the information available to the public. In the pre-globalization era, ordinary citizens had difficulty assessing domestic economic conditions in a comparative setting, in part because they were less exposed to information concerning other countries’ economic performance. However, globalization has provided citizens with excellent sources for comparisons in the form of media coverage. Moreover, openness results in a reduction in relative variance of exogenous rather than competence shocks. Using media-guided comparisons from 29 countries since the 1980s, this study finds that relative economic performance significantly affects citizens’ vote choices when their economy is highly integrated into the world market.
This book explains why insecurity has become such a ubiquitous feature of life in the twenty-first century and why policymakers, strategic analysts and many scholars are failing to recognise or address its underlying causes.
Do large-scale and unexpected events, such as natural disasters, affect elections? This article studies the political dimension of the 19-S earthquake that hit Mexico City in 2017, a few months before the 2018 elections. Using fine-grained geospatial data, the results show that candidates from the city-level incumbent Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) had a small increase in vote share in 2018 compared to the previous election in precincts more exposed to damaged caused by the earthquake (in terms of both distance-based and per capita measures), accounting for the seismic profile and socioeconomic characteristics of the neighborhood. The article shows that the implementation of disaster-recovery policy explains part of this relationship. Moreover, voters were as electorally responsive to a future risk reduction strategy as to a reconstruction credit.
This study identifies evidence of the influence of diversification and leverage on the financial performance of Brazilian and Mexican family businesses. It analyzes 102 Brazilian and 71 Mexican publicly traded family companies. Data analysis uses ordinary least squares regression in Stata. The results indicate that Brazilian family businesses have a higher return on assets when diversifying their products or services. When diversifying international markets, Brazilian companies present a lower return on assets and return on equity. For Mexican companies, international diversification derives a higher return on assets and return on equity. In addition, results show that leverage moderates the relationship between diversification and performance both for Brazilian and Mexican family businesses. The study contributes to the current literature by investigating that diversification improves business performance and that leverage is a significant element in intensifying the benefits of this strategy in the performance of family businesses. The study also emphasizes that diversification can be useful to address market difficulties and imperfections in unstable scenarios, such as when it is targeted to planned performance and considers financial conservatism in family companies.