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Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
Edited by
Thomas Beukers, European University Institute, Florence,Bruno de Witte, European University Institute, Florence,Claire Kilpatrick, European University Institute, Florence
The EU's emergence as an international security provider, under the first Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) operations in the Balkans in 2003, is a critical development in European integration. In this book, which relies on extensive interviews with CSDP officials, Michael E. Smith investigates how the challenge of launching new CSDP operations causes the EU to adapt itself in order to improve its performance in this realm, through the mechanism of experiential institutional learning. However, although this learning has helped to expand the overall range and complexity of the CSDP, the effectiveness of this policy tool still varies widely depending on the nature of individual operations. The analysis also calls in to question whether the CSDP, and the EU's broader structures under the 2009 Treaty of Lisbon, are fit for purpose in light of the EU's growing strategic ambitions and the various security challenges facing Europe in recent years.
Constitutional Change through Euro-Crisis Law contains a comparative constitutional analysis of the impact of a very broad range of euro-crisis law instruments on the EU and national constitutions. It covers contrasting assessments of the impact of euro-crisis law on national parliaments, various types of criticism on the EU economic governance framework, different views on what is needed to improve the multilevel system of economic governance, and valuable insights into the nature of emergency discourse in the legislative arena and of the spillover from the political to the judicial sphere. In addition, it deals with how bailout countries, even if part of the same group of euro area Member States subject to a programme, have reacted differently to the crisis.
Various scholars have argued and demonstrated that Western European populist parties have something in common. Although these parties adhere to various ideologies and employ different organizational forms and political styles, they all endorse a similar set of ideas concerning the relationship between the people and the elite. Yet despite our increasing knowledge about these parties, so far we know only very little about populist voters. Do the voter bases of populist parties also have something in common? To answer that question, I focus on the electorates of 15 prototypical populist parties from 11 Western European countries. I show that, in contrast with widely held beliefs, the electorates of populist parties do not always consist of individuals who are more likely to be ‘losers of globalization’ with Eurosceptic attitudes, low levels of political trust, and preferences for (more) direct democracy. This suggests that ‘the’ populist voter does not exist.
Because they are now members of most Western European parliaments, Populist Radical Right Parties (PRRPs) have the potential to influence the formulation of socio-economic policies. However, scholarly attention so far has nearly exclusively focussed on the impact of PRRPs on what is considered their ‘core issue’, that is migration policy. In this paper, we provide the first mixed methods comparative study of the impact of PRRPs on redistributive and (de-)regulative economic policies. Combining quantitative data with qualitative case studies, our results show that the participation of PRRPs in right-wing governments has noteworthy implications for socio-economic policies. Due to the heterogeneous constituencies of PRRPs, these parties not only refrain from welfare state retrenchment but are also less inclined to engage in deregulation compared with right-wing governments without PRRP participation.