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China is accused of conducting disinformation campaigns on Taiwan's social media. Existing studies on foreign interventions in democratic societies predict that such disinformation campaigns should lead to increasing partisan polarization within Taiwan. We argue that a backlash effect, making Taiwan's citizens more united against China, is equally plausible. We conduct a survey experiment exposing participants to a real-life rumour and rebuttal to test these competing hypotheses. We find, at best, mixed evidence for polarization. Although neither rumour nor rebuttal mention China, there is consistent evidence of backlash against China. Most notably, participants across the political spectrum are more inclined to support Taiwanese independence after viewing the rumour rebuttal. These findings indicate that citizens may put aside partisanship when confronted with false news that is plausibly linked to an external actor. We conclude by discussing the broader applicability of our theory and implications for cross-Strait relations.
Leveraging its absolute power, low human rights advantage, and tolerance by other countries, the Chinese Communist Party has transformed China into a giant corporation. Living and working is not a right, but a privilege granted by the party. State-owned firms are business units or subsidiaries, private firms are joint ventures, and foreign firms are franchisees of the party. 'China, Inc.' enjoys the agility of a firm and the vast resources of a state. Meanwhile, foreign firms competing with Chinese firms can find themselves matched against the mighty Chinese state. The Rise of China, Inc. will interest many readers: it will compel business scholars to rethink state-firm relationships; assist multinational business practitioners in formulating effective strategies; aid policy-makers in countering China's expansion; and inform the public of the massive corporate organisation China has become, and how democracies can effectively deal with it.
How do subnational agents exercise policy discretion in the social welfare sphere? To what extent do they do so as a result of various bureaucratic and fiscal incentives? The literature has documented several explanatory frameworks in the context of China that predominantly focus on the realm of developmental policies. Owing to the salient characteristics of the social policy arena, local adaptation of centrally designed policies may operate on distinctive logics. This study synthesizes the recent scholarship on subnational social policymaking and explains the significant interregional disparities in China's de facto urban poverty line – the eligibility standard of the urban minimum livelihood guarantee scheme, or dibao. Five research hypotheses are formulated for empirical examination: fiscal power effect, population effect, fiscal dependency effect, province effect and neighbour effect. Quantitative analysis of provincial-level panel data largely endorses the hypotheses. The remarkable subnational variations in dibao standards are explained by a salient constellation of fiscal and political factors that are embedded within the country's complex intergovernmental relations and fiscal arrangements. Both a race-to-the-top and a race-to-the-bottom may be fostered by distinctive mechanisms. The unique role of provincial governments as intermediary agents within China's political apparatus is illuminated in the social policy arena.
Women are underrepresented in legislature almost worldwide, and China is no exception. Although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) implemented its first gender quota in 1933, gender quotas and women's representation in China remain understudied. This study fills the literature gap by examining the subnational variation in gender quota implementation and women's representation in the county-level people's congresses (CPC). Through a comparison of four county-level units in Hunan and Hubei with similar socioeconomic features yet contrasting results in the numbers of female representatives elected in the 2016 CPC election, this study argues that women's access to CPCs is affected by the CCP's adoption and enforcement of grassroots quotas. The fieldwork shows that although all cases introduced a 30 per cent gender quota, only CPCs in Hunan province were able to meet the quota requirements. This was because the grassroots quota threshold was raised in Hunan and strictly enforced, partly as a response to the 2013 Hengyang vote-buying scandal. In contrast, CPCs in Hubei province nominated a large number of “first hands” (yibashou) candidates, very few of whom were women.
This chapter documents healthpolicy problems that exist in South Korea, the policy tools that are used to address them, and the outcomes they produce. We see that the Korean government has gone to great lengths to establish mechanisms to provide health care to all while containing financial burden on both households and the government. The root cause of the high out-of-pocket payments in Korea is the fee for service (FFS) mode of paying providers which incentivizes over-supply of services that generate higher returns for providers. Unable to replace FFS with capped payments due to political opposition, the government has had to resort to controlling fees and volume of services and requires co-payments from patients. Korea has also established a detailed decision and monitoring processes to curb over-supply and over-charging which have shown only limited success. The financing and payment arrangements and weak regulations coupled with political power of the vested interests make it very difficult to reduce the burden of out of pocket expenditures on households without shifting the burden to the government, a burden that the latter is unwilling to shoulder.
This introductory chapter conceptualises the absence of universal health care as a policy problem which requires a problem-solving approach if it is to be addressed. It develops the theoretical framing of the book: a policy design approach to health care. The chapter presents five challenges (governance; provision; financing; payment; and setting standards) that governments need to meet in their efforts to achieve universal health care, and the types of policy tools (stewardship and coordination; ownership and management; risk pooling; retrospective and prospective payments; and regulations) available to them. The chapter summarises the core argument around the importance of ownership and management of public hospitals, and the need for regulatory frameworks to manage private providers.
The aim of this chapter is to explain Singapore's health care performance, and the types of policy tools deployed to achieve universal coverage. The chapter argues that Singapore has pursued the goals of affordable health care through a range of policy tools targeting specific problems that work in tandem and are fine-tuned constantly. The island state has an inordinately complex health system comprising a broad range of policy tools and it is their combined working, and not that of any one tool, that explains the system-level performance. By focussing on simply one tool, such as Medical Savings Account (Medisave), observers miss the bigger picture as well as the details of the health care system in the country. And yet, as we shall see, policy makers in Singapore are stymied by blind spots that leave crucial problems insufficiently addressed.
After decades neglect, the Indian government has turned its attention to strengthening the health care system and the country is amidst implementing its most ambitious health care program. The Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY)rolled out in 2019 aims to provide health care coverage to half a billion Indian citizens and offers hope that it will reduce the population’s financial sufferingscaused by illness. The chapter assesses the evolution of the health care system in India and examines the policy tools in use to understand the country’s preparation for achieving its goal. In this chapter, we see that health care system continues to be handicapped by a weak public sector and an inadequately regulated private sector which together form an inhospitable context for publicly financed programs to succeed.
This chapter synthesizes social, economic and demographic trends over the past three decades in the countries studied in this book. It argues that health policy is affected by and affects these trends. The chapter synthesizes data on economic and demogrphic trends as well as key health system input and outcomes. The chapter records impressive economic growth rates, decline in poverty, and prudent public finances in the region. It shows that all countries except India enjoy some of the best health status in the world, and that these were achieved at relatively low costs. However, rapid population ageing and rising incomes and expectations present serious health policy challenges that governments must meet.
As the state has shifted its priorities towards social harmony and poverty alleviation, this study finds rhetorical resonance, combined with strong lineage solidarity, as an emerging strategy for villages to compete for government resources and investments. By articulating grassroots needs as being in line with local cadres’ performance goals, villages have successfully converted their needs into development proposals and mobilized lineage solidarity to persuade local cadres of the feasibility of such proposals. Drawing on three villages’ school-saving efforts in Fujian province, our fieldwork illustrates how one village retained its school by mobilizing lineage solidarity and converting education into a “model” village project to boost cultural tourism. Others failed to do so and lost their schools. Under the target-based cadre management system, the bottom-up competition for government support is largely shaped by the villages’ pre-existing development and resource structures, which may maximize management efficiency but may also reinforce socioeconomic inequalities between villages.
Hong Kong has one of the best health care systems in the world, noted for its low costs and high equity. It is a rather simple system, with hierarchical governance structures and sparse policy tools centred on public ownership and financing that have undergone only minimal changes since the 1960s. The purpose of the chapter is to describe the development and functioning of the health care system in Hong Kong and examine the policy tools that underlie it. The case shows that it is possible to achieve universal health care through traditional organizational and fiscal policy tools. The case also serves as a cautionary lesson for health policy and international consultants proposing complex mix of policy tools in health care when simpler tools used effectively can achieve universal health care. This vital lesson is lost on the Hong Kong government itself as it promotes privately financed and provided health care to complement the public system.
This chapter presents a comparative portrait of the policy tools employed in health care in Asia, the effects they trigger, and how they affect the achievement of universal health coverage. It examines the design and implementation of key health policy tools in China, Hong Kong, India, Korea, Singapore, and Thailand shows improvements along all main dimensions of health policy design. It also points out the continued under-emphasis on regulation of privateproviders, which is especially vital in health systems dominated by private provision and financing.
This article traces the process behind the implementation of the “Air Silk Road,” a cargo flight connection between Luxembourg and Zhengzhou, the capital of Henan province. Its origins lie in economic competition between Henan and its neighbouring provinces, dating back a decade before the official announcement of the Air Silk Road in 2017. Provincial and municipal governments in Henan displayed opportunistic risk-taking behaviour in persistently pushing for the development of Zhengzhou's airport economy, but only timing and coincidence allowed the province to gain a foothold in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). With findings drawn from fieldwork in China between 2019 and 2020, we contribute to an understanding of the implementation of the BRI, the underlying rationale and the challenges inland provinces face in integrating into the world economy.
Thailand is widely acknowledged as a successful case of achieving universal heath care at modest costs. In this chapter we show that the success is based on a simple system under strong government stewardship: most health services are provided at publicly owned and operated hospitals, and paid for by the government through tax revenues. Layered to the combination of public ownership and funding, is a purchaser-provider split and frequent changes in policy settings based on data on utilisation and costs. The combination of these tools enable the government to monitor quality of services while maintaining a watchful eye on costs. The only tool that Thailand does not use extensively is regulation which, as we will see in this chapter, is not necessarily damaging due to the other tools in place. Public ownership and funding offers sufficient levers to the government to create incentives for healthcare providers to control costs, promote responsiveness, and improve quality of services without the need for extensive regulations.