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From 26 December 1972 to 24 January 1973, I was a member of a group from the University of Hawaii visiting various institutions of higher learning in China. The group consisted of five Chinese-speaking faculty members and five graduate students with varied interests and specializations. Since my own particular subject is the training and political education of cadres, I requested permission to visit a May Seventh cadre school. This report examines the May Seventh Cadre School for Eastern Peking and is based upon information gathered on a visit there in January 1973. Officials of the school told us that from its establishment, on 7 November 1968, to January 1973, approximately 3,300 cadres from eastern Peking graduated from the school. The extent of this particular school's involvement in training cadres for eastern Peking is best illustrated by the public disclosure that over half of the cadres in eastern Peking have attended it.
One of the more intriguing features of Chinese foreign policy has been the continuity of Peking's effort to maintain good relations with Pakistan despite the periodic upheavals in Chinese domestic politics and the alterations between moderation and militancy in China's policies towards the outside world. Although the goals of China's foreign policy – the recovery of Taiwan, the elimination (or the neutralization) of hostile military power from nearby areas, and the enhancement of China's status and influence in the world – have remained the same since 1950, changing international conditions and evolving Chinese perceptions have led to dramatic shifts in Peking's policies and in its relations with other powers. Former friends have become enemies and former enemies have become, if not friends, at least less dangerous antagonists. Yet China's relations with Pakistan, while not always smooth, have evidenced a high degree of stability.
Before 1949, China used to consume a limited quantity of rubber amounting to only about 20,000 tons a year. Today the People's Republic has emerged as a significant factor in the world rubber market. In 1972, with the import of 190,000 tons, all from South-east Asia – a region which produces over 90 per cent of the world's supply, China absorbed 7 per cent of the world's traded rubber. China's purchases rank her above such traditionally large rubber consumers as Britain. The importance of China in the rubber trade is reflected not only in her rapidly growing share in the world market, but also in her potential as either a stabilizing or de-stabilizing force on rubber prices. For years China has followed an erratic buying pattern, and on many occasions her sudden entry and withdrawal created a “stir” in the market, especially in Malaysia and Singapore.