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“Integrated village development on the basis of the employment of surplus rural labour is probably the best way forward for most poor countries.” J. Gray
The purpose of this special mini–section of The China Quarterly has been to review some of the issues relating both to our own understanding of the meaning of the High Tide and of connections between events 50 years ago issues of economic policy in China today.
The notion that the development strategy pursued in China after 1949 had transformed the economy of the People's Republic was a staple of Western scholarship at the close of the Maoist era. Jack Gray's work of the early 1970s stood squarely within this tradition. For him, Maoism was superior to Stalinism as a transitional path to socialism because it avoided the “urban bias” inherent in the primitive socialist accumulation suggested by Preobrazhensky, practised by Stalin, and advocated for China by (inter alia) Bo Yibo and Liu Shaoqi. Instead of extracting resources from the rural sector, the late Maoist development strategy revolved around labour accumulation: the mobilization of rural labour to carry out rural industrialization, agricultural mechanization and the extension of irrigation networks.
A phrase that has been used frequently to describe the character of Japan–Korea relations over the years is “so near, yet so far.” Indeed, distance seems to make Japan's political heart grow fonder. Japan and Korea are so close geographically (in the case of South Korea), ideologically, and developmentally, yet they are so far apart in myriad other ways. Of the Big Four, Japan is beyond compare on Northeast Asian identity politics because Tokyo serves as a clear and present reminder of (wounded) national identity for Korea and China, and as a lightening rod for domestic politics in Seoul, Pyongyang, and Beijing. Of the Big Four, Japan has been the most significant negative other in the making of modern Korean national identity and nationalism.
As one of a few true nation-states – the state's jurisdiction coincides perfectly with its own nation (homogenous people) – Japan should have escaped the wrenching national identity difficulties that have afflicted so many states old and new. Yet, by a more synthetic notion of national identity, the state defines and differentiates itself not only essentially by what it is – what the Japanese refer to as kokutai (national essence) – but also behaviorally by what it does in international relations.
Some of the manifest symbolic and behavioral anomalies in Japanese foreign policy cannot be fully explained by realist and liberal theories.
If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences.
– W. I. Thomas
Our … goal is to prevent regimes that sponsor terror from threatening America or our friends and allies with weapons of mass destruction. Some of these regimes have been pretty quiet since September the 11th. But we know their true nature. North Korea is a regime arming with missiles and weapons of mass destruction, while starving its citizens…. States like these, and their terrorist allies, constitute an axis of evil, arming to threaten the peace of the world.
– George W. Bush, January 29, 2002
The modern imperialists are pursuing a more crafty policy of aggression and war, styling themselves a guardian of peace and freedom. Its good example is the slogan of anti-terrorism put up by the U.S. This nature of modern imperialism also finds a manifestation in the fact that it seeks to launch an undisguised armed invasion of those progressive and anti-imperialist independent countries.
– Korean Central News Agency, October 20, 2002
The U.S. Factor
Without a doubt, the United States remains the most dominant external actor on the Korean peninsula. Although U.S. primacy at almost any point on the globe is widely accepted, the description is particularly apt: history, geopolitics, and geoeconomics all drive U.S. interest in NEA, and Korea's location at the strategic crossroads of the region makes it a natural place for the United States to concentrate its concern.
The Korean peninsula, although situated at the crossroads of Northeast Asia, has often been home to political entities that sought isolation from the world outside. In the twentieth century, however, Korea's attempts to maintain itself as the “hermit kingdom” were overthrown in succession by Japanese colonization, the World War II settlement, the beginning of the Cold War, the end of the Cold War, and the intensification of globalization. Because of the course of international history following World War II, on the Korean peninsula today there are two Korean states, whereas for the 1,269 previous years there had been only one. North and South Korea as we know them today do not exist as entities entirely of their own making but rather as two incomplete nation-states with national identities crafted in the cauldron of Cold War conflict and galvanized in the post–Cold War age of globalization.
With a synthetic interactive approach to studying foreign relations as its starting point, this book explores how the identities of North and South Korea have evolved in relation to the Big Four of Northeast Asia: China, Japan, Russia, and the United States. Just as for individuals there can be no definition of the self without reference to some other, so with nation-states there can be no development of national identity without reference to the set of other actors in world politics.