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Few studies on the legacies of the Chinese Civil War have examined its effects on state consolidation in the borderland area between China and mainland South-East Asia. This paper empirically examines the impact of the intrusion of the defeated Kuomingtang (KMT) into the borderland area between China, Burma and Thailand. In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the presence of the US-supported KMT across its Yunnan border increased the new communist government's threat perceptions. In response, Beijing used a carrot-and-stick approach towards consolidating its control by co-opting local elites while ruthlessly eliminating any opposition deemed to be in collusion with the KMT. In the case of Burma, the KMT presence posed a significant challenge to Burmese national territorial integrity and effectively led to the fragmentation of the Burmese Shan State. Finally, in Thailand, Bangkok collaborated with the Americans in support of the KMT to solidify its alliance relations. Later, Thailand used the KMT as a buffer force for its own border defence purposes against a perceived communist infiltration from the north. This paper contextualizes the spill-over effects of the Chinese Civil War in terms of the literature on how external threats can potentially facilitate state consolidation.
Chapter 5 shows how the debates on radicalism were transformed after the renewed emphasis on economic reform in 1992 and it targets the perceived cultural radicalism of the May Fourth Movement. The chapter looks into the formation of debates on May Fourth during the period of its seventieth anniversary and during the 1989 protest movement. It shows the entanglement of the debates on May Fourth radicalism with the re-evaluation of Confucianism on mainland China in the context of the increasing commercialization and growing moral vacuum in society. The key figure in the chapter is the philosopher Chen Lai because of his prominence in these discussions. Furthermore, he was influenced by Tu Wei-ming, which, as shown in Chapter 3, illustrates the trajectory of Chinese thought during the reform period, making its way back to mainland China through China-born scholars based in the United States. The chapter argues that advocacies of New Confucianism were no less a manifestation of the realistic revolution of the time in their attempt to demonstrate the role of Confucianism in modernization and to redefine the role of the intellectual. In this chapter, these questions are discussed through the lens of Max Weber.
Between 1989 and 1993, with the end of the Cold War, Tiananmen, and Deng Xiaoping's renewed reform, Chinese intellectuals said goodbye to radicalism. In newly-founded journals, interacting with those who had left mainland China around 1949 to revive Chinese culture from the margins, they now challenged the underlying creed of Chinese socialism and the May Fourth Movement that there was 'no making without breaking'. Realistic Revolution covers the major debates of this period on radicalism in history, culture, and politics from a transnational perspective, tracing intellectual exchanges as China repositioned itself in Asia and the world. In this realistic revolution, Chinese intellectuals paradoxically espoused conservatism in the service of future modernization. They also upheld rationalism and gradualism after Maoist utopia but concurrently rewrote history to re-establish morality. Finally, their self-identification as scholars was a response to rapid social change that nevertheless left their concern with China's fate unaltered.