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This essay uses the controversies surrounding the enigmatic Ismet Ali, a yogi working in Chicago and New York in the 1920s, to illuminate the complexities of how the performativity of religion and race are interrelated. I examine several moments in which Ali's “authenticity” as Indian is brought into doubt to open up larger questions regarding the global flows of colonial knowledge, racial tropes, and groups of people between India, the United States, and the Caribbean. I explore the ways in which, in the early twentieth-century United States, East Indian “authenticity” only became legible via identificatory practices that engaged with and adapted orientalized stereotypes. The practices of the yogi persona and its sartorial stylings meant to signify “East Indianness” in the United States, particularly the donning of a turban and beard, were one mode through which both South Asian and African Americans repurposed “Hindoo” stereotypes as models for self-formation. By taking on “Hindoo” identities, peoples of color could circumvent the U.S. black/white racial binary and the violence of Jim Crow. This act of racial passing was also an act of religious passing. However, the ways in which identities had to and could be performed changed with context as individuals moved across national and colonial boundaries.
For Dutch Calvinist missionaries in Central Java, two events bookended the radically transformative decade of the 1890s. The first, at the start of the decade, was the severing of relations with a charismatic Javanese leader named Sadrach, a decision that marked a redoubled commitment to suppress local Christian syncretism and to promote Calvinist orthodoxy in its stead. The second, at the decade's end, was the establishment of a modern clinic to serve as the flagship institution of a reformulated and reinvigorated missionary project. This article considers how these two seemingly disparate events are related. It suggests that much of what was troubling to missionaries about Sadrach and his indigenous Christian movement involved their understandings and uses of the body. I then consider how the mission attempted to use modern clinical experience and the anatomical perspective to address a range of ethical and epistemological problems posed by Sadrach and his followers' understandings of the body. The modern clinic would serve as a key pedagogical and disciplinary tool for the reordering of a vocabulary and syntax of bodies and souls, a grammar of religious and social expression.
This essay examines the experience of corruption as an unavoidable and self-destructive dynamic of everyday life in post-crisis Argentina. Embedded in both everyday practices and popular evaluations of those practices, corruption in this context of neoliberal crisis operated as a folk category of socio-moral critique much like witchcraft does in some other settings, for it named a cannibalistic logic that imperiled the very framework of sociality. In order to grasp the reflexive pragmatics of this category, the essay attends first to the conceptual, then to the ethnographic, and finally to the historical dimensions of its practical life. Moving across these three dimensions, it argues that corruption indexed a very particular moral sensibility, marked by the sense of exhausted historical possibilities and inevitable national crisis.
This essay reconstructs a scandal in the fall of 1797 involving Ottoman governors, leaders of a notorious network of irregular soldiers cum bandits, and residents of the city of Filibe (Plovdiv in Bulgaria). It erupted over whether or not state officials should pacify successful bandit enterprises by co-opting their leaders. The scandal escalated into a crisis in which the large armies of the governors of Anatolia and Rumeli (the Ottoman Balkans) verged on clashing because each wanted to lead the state's lucrative war against Rumeli bandit networks. Imperial administrators issued dispatches regarding this scandal that were based on gossip and rumor circulating within the general population as well as among bandits. I draw on understandings of gossip as a social and cultural resource from linguistic anthropology to make sense of Ottoman political culture. I analyze these dispatches to uncover how the performance of these informal scripts featured prominently in correspondence with the Imperial Council and related surveillance reports, and thereby mediated resources, power, and authority among different agents of imperial violence. I show that gossip, rumor, and related forms of seemingly informal “talk” played a fundamental role in sovereign decision making. I also transpose methodologies and approaches of “history from below,” conceived by earlier generations of cultural anthropologists and historians, onto elite letters to ask new questions about information brokerage, the negotiation of power among different agents of imperial violence and their interlocutors, and the contested nature of imperial intelligence gathering and sovereignty.
This article analyzes the growing interest in Jews and all things Jewish in contemporary Poland—from the spectacular popularity of festivals of Jewish culture to the opening of Judaica bookstores and Jewish cuisine restaurants; from the development of Jewish studies programs at various universities and the creation of several museums to artists’ and public intellectuals’ engagements with Poland's Jewish past and Polish-Jewish relations more broadly. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, over sixty formal interviews with Jewish and non-Jewish activists, and informal conversations with participants in various Jewish-centered initiatives, I argue that this cultural phenomenon is related to the attempt by specific political and social groups to build a pluralistic society in an ethnically and denominationally homogenous nation-state. I build on the literature on nationalism and symbolic boundaries by showing that bringing back Jewish culture and “resurrecting the Jew” is a way to soften, stretch, and reshape the symbolic boundaries of the nation that the Right wants to harden and shrink using Catholicism as its main tool.
The past thirty years have seen, particularly in the United States, a transformation in the public image of “Kongo,” an ill-defined entity (a tribe, a kingdom, a culture, a region?) on the Atlantic coast of Central Africa. The efforts of R. F. Thompson, professor of art history at Yale, and A. Fu-kiau, himself Kongolese, have done much to popularize a “Kongo” characterized more by its romantic appeal than by historical or ethnographic verisimilitude. Elsewhere in the Americas, the reputation of “Kongo” has suffered by comparison with “Yoruba,” another historically emergent Atlantic identity, based in West Africa. These identities, and the supposed contrast between them, are products of an increasingly complex trans-Atlantic discourse.
Algunos observadores han argumentado que el poder se nutre menos de la fuerza militar y la conquista que antaño. Para evaluar el poder internacional en la actualidad, elementos como la tecnología, la educación o el crecimiento económico son cada vez más importantes, mientras que la geografía, la población o las materias primas son más insignificantes.
Joseph Nye, Jr
Desde la época moderna, las relaciones entre países han estado determinadas por factores comerciales, geopolíticos y militares. Los distintos Estados han recurrido a su desarrollo económico, a su fuerza armada o a las capacidades negociadoras de sus líderes para influir en otras regiones y conseguir una buena posición en el terreno internacional. De ahí que la vieja historia diplomática haya prestado mayor atención a los flujos mercantiles, al poderío bélico de cada potencia y a los contactos que mantenían sus elites políticas. Sin embargo, otros aspectos como la educación, las redes intelectuales o las transferencias de ideas desempeñaron un papel destacado en este ámbito a lo largo de la pasada centuria. En consecuencia, la historiografía especializada ha vuelto su mirada a estos elementos culturales, que han pasado a ocupar un lugar central en el relato histórico.
A principios del siglo XX, la cultura comenzó a ser un componente relevante de las relaciones internacionales. Los servicios diplomáticos de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica y de muchos países europeos se percataron de que las campañas de propaganda cultural eran muy útiles para obtener el apoyo de otras potencias o facilitar sus contactos con ellas. En este contexto, Francia y el Reino Unido fundaron corporaciones educativas que tenían una clara proyección exterior: el Institut Français (1922) y el British Council (1934). El equivalente español de estas organizaciones, el Instituto Cervantes, fue creado mucho más tarde, en 1991.
En estas páginas, hemos analizado la historia de la Anglo-Spanish Society y el papel que desempeñó en las relaciones entre el Reino Unido y España durante el siglo XX. A pesar de ser una organización apolítica, los gobiernos de ambos países trataron de controlarla porque atribuyeron cierta utilidad a la cultura en el terreno diplomático. En una primera época, esta institución sirvió a los intereses de la Foreign Office y tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial, pasó a estar controlada por la Embajada española en Londres.
La historia de esta asociación es un buen ejemplo de la función que la cultura ha ejercido en el ámbito de las relaciones internacionales desde principios de la pasada centuria. Nadie discute la importancia de la labor que el Instituto Cervantes, el British Council o el Institut Français realizan en la actualidad. Estas entidades no sólo enseñan lenguas, sino que acercan mundos distintos y, en ocasiones, lejanos, llegando a cumplir una misión diplomática mayor de la que cabría suponer. Aunque los parámetros impiden una comparación seria, organismos como la Anglo-Spanish Society pueden ser considerados como precedentes de este tipo de corporaciones.
En la actualidad, los Estados han cambiado sus políticas de exteriores, incluyendo un gran número de estrategias en consonancia con un mundo globalizado. Los gobiernos son más conscientes de la relevancia que la cultura tiene en las relaciones entre países y se han dotado de varias instituciones para intervenir en el ámbito internacional. Muchas naciones tienen oficinas para promover su propia imagen o, por utilizar un término que está en boga, su marca. Sin embargo, y en un primer momento, la asociación que se analiza en estas páginas fue promovida por la Foreign Office y, aunque contaba con presencia española e hispanoamericana, estuvo controlada por los británicos.
Como hemos visto, un grupo de británicos creó la Anglo-Spanish Society durante la Gran Guerra para contribuir a la consecución de los objetivos estratégicos y comerciales de su gobierno. Eso sí, esta sociedad sólo sirvió parcialmente a esos intereses, ya que, aunque fue ideada para hacer frente al influjo alemán sobre la opinión pública española, su incidencia en España fue escasa. Con su fundación también se perseguía mejorar las relaciones mercantiles con los países hispanoamericanos.