Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Table of Contents
- 1 Writing History in Late Antique Iberia: Theory and Praxis
- 2 Para qué sirve la Historia : Principios teóricos de la historiografía hispana tardoantigua
- 3 From Christian Historiography to the Emergence of National Histories : Spanish Historiography between Romans and Visigoths
- 4 Orosius: An Iberian Patriot’s History of Rome
- 5 Orosius, Barbarians, and the Christian Success Story
- 6 Prophecies and Omens of the Fall of the Roman Empire in the Chronicle of Hydatius of Lemica
- 7 La dimensión política de los historiadores del reino visigodo de Toledo
- 8 The Definitions and Uses of Historia in Isidore of Seville
- 9 Bishops and Their Biographers : The Praxis of History Writing in Visigothic Iberia
- 10 Local Powers and Construction of the Past in the Visigothic Kingdom of Hispania
- 11 The Contemplation of the Past in the Libellus Precum of Faustinus (and Marcellinus)
- 12 Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy : The Historiography of Hispania in Late Antiquity
- 13 Expulsados de la Historia : El argumento histórico en la polémica antijudía hispana (siglos IV-VII)
- 14 Consideraciones sobre la temporalidad en las Vitae Sanctorum visigóticas
- 15 The Image of Leovigild as Arian Monarch in the ‘Vitas Patrum Emeritensium’ : From Historical Reality to Hagiographical Deformation
- Index
5 - Orosius, Barbarians, and the Christian Success Story
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 18 April 2023
- Frontmatter
- Table of Contents
- 1 Writing History in Late Antique Iberia: Theory and Praxis
- 2 Para qué sirve la Historia : Principios teóricos de la historiografía hispana tardoantigua
- 3 From Christian Historiography to the Emergence of National Histories : Spanish Historiography between Romans and Visigoths
- 4 Orosius: An Iberian Patriot’s History of Rome
- 5 Orosius, Barbarians, and the Christian Success Story
- 6 Prophecies and Omens of the Fall of the Roman Empire in the Chronicle of Hydatius of Lemica
- 7 La dimensión política de los historiadores del reino visigodo de Toledo
- 8 The Definitions and Uses of Historia in Isidore of Seville
- 9 Bishops and Their Biographers : The Praxis of History Writing in Visigothic Iberia
- 10 Local Powers and Construction of the Past in the Visigothic Kingdom of Hispania
- 11 The Contemplation of the Past in the Libellus Precum of Faustinus (and Marcellinus)
- 12 Orthodoxy and Heterodoxy : The Historiography of Hispania in Late Antiquity
- 13 Expulsados de la Historia : El argumento histórico en la polémica antijudía hispana (siglos IV-VII)
- 14 Consideraciones sobre la temporalidad en las Vitae Sanctorum visigóticas
- 15 The Image of Leovigild as Arian Monarch in the ‘Vitas Patrum Emeritensium’ : From Historical Reality to Hagiographical Deformation
- Index
Summary
Abstract
In the course of the fourth and fifth centuries, Christian writers developed an interpretatio Christiana of the history of humankind. In Orosius’s construction of the past, this understanding was framed as the success story of Christianity. In his Histories Against the Pagans , Orosius perceived history as guided by divine providence. Consequently, the appearance of Christianity in the Roman Empire was held to be part of God’s divine plan for humankind. Christian success stories provided justification for the Christian church(es) in the past, present, and future. For his part, Orosius followed the ethos of the earlier Christian narratives in which the (alleged or real) triumph of the religious group functioned as legitimation of its being right. This chapter examines how the figures of barbarians function in Orosius’s narrative of Christian triumph.
Keywords: Orosius, history, early Christianity, Late Antiquity, barbarians, Christian triumphalism
Introduction
One of these was Christian, more like a Roman (unus Christianus propiorque Romano ), and as events have proved, less savage in his slaughter through his fear of God. The other was a pagan and barbarian, a true Scythian (alius paganus barbarus et vere Scytha ), whose insatiable cruelty loved slaughter for slaughter’s sake as much as glory and plunder. This is how the Roman writer Orosius compares two Gothic warlords in the seventh book of his Histories Against the Pagans . Why is the leader of one attacking enemy group, Alaric, presented as propiorque Romano , ‘nearer to being Roman’, even though his troops sacked the city of Rome in 410? And why is Radagaisus, the leader of another attacking Gothic force, which devastated Italy in 405–406, described as a barbarian and vere Scytha , ‘a true Scythian’, as Goths were habitually called by Greco-Roman writers?
What is the difference between the two Gothic leaders? Orosius describes Radagaisus as insatiably cruel and bloodthirsty, while Alaric is depicted as ‘less savage in his slaughter’ because of his Christianity. Furthermore, Orosius states that Alaric was a Christian and Radagaisus a pagan. Thus, in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, one criterion for being Roman, at least for the Christian writer Orosius, was religious adherence.
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- Writing History in Late Antique IberiaHistoriography in Theory and Practice from the 4th to the 7th Century, pp. 85 - 100Publisher: Amsterdam University PressPrint publication year: 2022