Introduction

This chapter questions one of the most basic assumptions within syllable theory: namely that phonotactic constraints are largely syllable-based. In this chapter I argue that segmental and feature-based phonotactic constraints on consonant sequencing are most profitably viewed as syllable-independent statements. Evidence for the syllable-independent nature of phonotactics comes from three domains. First, it can be demonstrated that, language-internally, the syllable-based view of phonotactics is, in many cases, empirically inadequate. Second, cross-linguistic comparisons demonstrate that languages with arguably distinct syllabifications have identical phonotactic constraints. Third, emergent phonotactic universals on consonant sequencing are only evident when phonotactics are stated independent of syllable structure.

Three important points need to be made at the outset. First, though I present evidence that phonotactics are to a large extent independent of syllable structure, I am not denying the existence of syllables. On the contrary, in many of the languages examined in this study, evidence for phonological syllables exists in the form of syllable-sensitive rules of stress assignment, syncope, vowel reduction, reduplication, and consistent judgments of syllabifications across speakers. Second, in languages where phonotactic statements and other arguably syllable-based statements do not converge on a single syllable structure, one might argue for “basic” and “derived” syllabifications for distinct phonological domains. However, if two distinct syllabifications are needed for many of the world's languages precisely where phonotactics are involved, then one alternative strategy is to consider the possibility that phonotactics are not syllable based.