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8 - Third World Wars and Third-World Wars

Paul Williams
Affiliation:
Lecturer in English at the University of Exeter
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Summary

The Western sponsors of ‘nonproliferation’, according to George Perkovitch, seemed to replicate the pattern of colonial domination in their insistence that only those who had already tested nuclear devices ought to possess such things. Third World latecomers […] were unwelcome in the nuclear club.

Andrew J. Rotter

we should be like the Chinese – poor and riding donkeys, but respected and possessing an atom bomb.

Libyan President Muammar Gaddafi

This final chapter performs the synoptic work expected of a last chapter, looking back to the literary, scientific and political languages used to represent nuclear weapons since 1945 and thinking about how these traditions remain visible in early twenty-first-century attitudes towards nuclear weapon possession. In addition, this chapter analyses how the meaning of these representations can be connected to race, ethnicity, nationhood and civilization. In the following discussion of proliferation, the terrorist use of nuclear weapons and the fictional construction of the Third World as the primal site of World War Three, for one final time we pay attention to the central contention proffered, debated and challenged throughout this book: that nuclear weapons ‘belong’ to the white Western world. In his history of American non-proliferation policy, Shane J. Maddock observes:

The primary tenets remained consistent from the beginning of the nuclear age – some states could be trusted with nuclear weapons and some could not. An atomic hierarchy emerged, first in the imagination of U.S. policymakers, then in political reality, that mirrored power inequalities in the global system. This nuclear regime positioned Washington at the top, followed by its NATO allies, and, later, Israel, with the postcolonial world consigned to the bottom. An Indian diplomat rightly labelled the system ‘nuclear apartheid’.

The nuclear powers’ defence of their entitlement to build weapons with nuclear technology is, of course, not solely (or even primarily) motivated by attitudes of national and racial maturity. For example, the hostile response of the United States to the USSR's building of missile launching sites on Cuba was not motivated by resentment at the enhanced political leverage that could potentially be exerted by this postcolonial island nation. It was motivated by a national security need, to prevent the Soviet Union from positioning nuclear weapons so close to the US mainland that there would be an unfavourable (for the USA) imbalance in the speed of the superpowers’ nuclear strike capacity.

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Race, Ethnicity and Nuclear War
Representations of Nuclear Weapons and Post-Apocalyptic Worlds
, pp. 224 - 250
Publisher: Liverpool University Press
Print publication year: 2011

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