Like the anti-rape movement, the mobilization against domestic violence in the United States racked up some extraordinary achievements in a relatively short period of time. By the early 1980s, over 500 shelters for battered women had been established. Hundreds of localities had reformed their legal and social services for abused women. Almost every state had created a coalition against domestic violence. In just a few years, the cause of battered women had captured the imagination of the nation, according to Susan Schechter, a veteran activist of the movement. But the battered-women's movement turned out to be even more vulnerable to being co-opted by the state and conservative penal forces than the anti-rape movement that emerged before it. This was so, even though many activists against domestic violence were acutely aware of what they regarded as some of the regrettable compromises the anti-rape movement had made in order to secure funding and legitimacy and to expand its base of support. The mobilization against domestic violence in the United States converged with the state in ways not seen in other countries. It increasingly reflected rather than challenged the growing state interest in taking a hard line against crime and criminals. In Britain, Sweden, Germany, and elsewhere, the issue of domestic violence did not propel a conservative law-and-order movement premised on the needs and rights of victims.

The U.S. battered-women's movement was more vulnerable to co-optation and compromise for several reasons.