Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- A Note on Transliteration
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Hybrid Politics and Media Instrumentalisation
- 3 Being a Journalist in the Grey Zone
- 4 Finding a Role: Tunisian Journalism after the Revolution
- 5 Navigating a Field of Tensions: Journalism and Politics in Lebanon
- 6 National Security and Free Speech in Tunisia
- 7 Elections and Media Capture
- 8 Protests and Disruptive Journalism
- 9 Conclusion
- Appendix 1 Interviews: Lebanon
- Appendix 2 Interviews: Tunisia
- Bibliography
- Index
1 - Introduction
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 March 2025
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- A Note on Transliteration
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Hybrid Politics and Media Instrumentalisation
- 3 Being a Journalist in the Grey Zone
- 4 Finding a Role: Tunisian Journalism after the Revolution
- 5 Navigating a Field of Tensions: Journalism and Politics in Lebanon
- 6 National Security and Free Speech in Tunisia
- 7 Elections and Media Capture
- 8 Protests and Disruptive Journalism
- 9 Conclusion
- Appendix 1 Interviews: Lebanon
- Appendix 2 Interviews: Tunisia
- Bibliography
- Index
Summary
In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia and Lebanon enjoyed a position as the freest Arab countries, with a degree of media pluralism seldom witnessed in the region. Aided by a sense of freedom of speech and the possibilities of digital technologies, journalists pushed the boundaries of the media's role vis-a-vis the elites. National media stood at the centre of political dramas that culminated in nationwide protests in Lebanon in 2019 and a suspension of democracy in Tunisia in 2020.
In Lebanon, public anger against nepotistic and incompetent political elites exploded after the government tried to ameliorate an economic crisis by levying new taxes on gasoline, tobacco and WhatsApp calls. The taxes hit ordinary people hardest, leaving the super-rich kleptocracy at the top of Lebanon's political system untouched. As the demonstrations raged, a conspicuous divide appeared between Lebanon's biggest television channels. Traditionally, they had aligned with the businessmen and politicians that funded them, in competition with other elites. Now, too, many television channels loyally made their reporting and commentary conform to the positions of their respective sponsors. Three of the most important channels, however, lent support to the protest movement, roundly condemning the entire Lebanese political establishment. Dedicated journalists played important roles in the confrontation between the people and the elite.
In the same year in Tunisia, the little-known jurist Kais Saied was elected president, defeating the flamboyant businessman and media owner Nabil Karoui. Both men nurtured populist images as political outsiders, but their relations to the media were radically different. Karoui used his television channel Nisma, one of Tunisia's top three channels, to showcase his philanthropism and present his political platform. Saied, on the other hand, shunned privately owned media altogether. Two days before the election, the Tunisian public broadcaster televised a live debate between Saied and Karoui: a historic first in the Arab region. The debate was widely viewed and notable for its fair and equal treatment of the candidates. Less than a year later, Saied suspended the elected parliament and made himself the centre of political decision-making. Tunisia's unique level of press freedom plummeted. Sensing the risk that their newfound liberty would wither away, journalists fought hard to prevent a return to autocracy.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Journalism in the Grey ZonePluralism and Media Capture in Lebanon and Tunisia, pp. 1 - 23Publisher: Edinburgh University PressPrint publication year: 2023