Published online by Cambridge University Press: 09 December 2022
“The icon has been addressed as a manifestation of the divine ‘iconomy,’ that is, the most economical way to display the invisible in the visible world.”
— Boris Groys, History Becomes Form: Moscow Conceptualism (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2010), 187.We have already seen—in chapter 2—the first truly contemporary theorization of the central role of images in a political economy: Marie-José Mondzian's account of Byzantine iconoclasm, outlined in an essay of 1989 and set out fully in her book Image, Icon, Economy; The Byzantine Origins of the Contemporary Imaginary (1996). There, she exercised a characteristic restraint in hinting at but not coining the neologism “iconomy” as the general term for her subject. Writing during the first Gulf War, however, she does not refrain from asserting the current relevance of her project, not only in her subtitle but also in statements such as this: “From the specific standpoint of provoking belief or obtaining obedience, there is no great difference between submitting to a church council or to CNN.”
In 1992, Jean-Joseph Goux spoke of “a new ‘iconomy’” to highlight the extraordinary financial values attaching to works of art in the contemporary art market. In the same year, a more comprehensive contemporary theorization, entirely immersed in current problematics, was attempted. Arizona University graduate student Dion Dennis embarked on a project entitled The Subject Under the Sign of the Market: Steps Toward a Political Iconomy. In a 1993 essay, he defined it as follows:
I define political iconomy as the processes, products and effects of information that commodify, deploy and circulate texts and images in a digitalized form. A viable political iconomy emerges in the social biography of commodities or ‘thing effects’ when the licensing of signs or information (icons) as commercial property becomes an integral part of market logic and activity. The conceptual birth of political iconomy comes from a critique of the global effects of recoding the personal, the social and the cultural as subsets of ‘the Market.’ When global redescriptions of all fields of social and cultural activity as but forms of the market become a major symbolic and political project (as happened in the 1980’s) semiosis and political economy are no longer separate subjects of inquiry.
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