Before I start, let me mention two important caveats. The first is that this piece was written before the final results of the Brazilian elections of 2018, before we knew the results (so nothing here is meant to be predictive); this chapter should be read as an analysis of the electoral context as it was and the use during this election of a “medieval past.” The second point is that while I personally strongly oppose Jair Bolsonaro, this chapter is not intended as a piece of propaganda and so I aim to be as impartial as possible.

Despite being one of the greatest electoral processes in the world, the Brazilian elections of today are still relatively new. Brazil's political tradition has been heavily marked by the use of force and violence, and by the strong presence of the Armed Forces which, from time to time, has destabilized republican and democratic structures. The first Brazilian Republic was founded via a coup d’état by the military in 1889, with few connections to the civilian republican movement. From 1889 to 2018 we have seen attempted, sometimes successful, seizures of power; most notably the Military Regime of 1964 to 1985. During this period the electoral and representative system was restricted and controlled by the military, and high executive positions were no longer elected but nominated, with regular elections for all positions only re-established in 1988. Therefore, the electoral process in 2018 is supported by barely thirty years of recent democratic tradition.

However, the elections of 2018 attracted international attention not because of some anniversary, but instead for the blatant polarization of the political spectrum. Sailing on the same recent neo-conservative winds as the USA and parts of Europe, with riots and protests not unlike those seen in Charlottesville, Brazil has given birth to its most recent fascist-like political candidate: Jair Messias Bolsonaro. The polarization is so extreme that international agencies, celebrities, and politicians who manifest any dislike or distrust for Bolsonaro have been, in almost “cold warlike” hysteria, labelled as “communists”: Roger Waters, Madonna, The Economist, the New York Times, Marine Le Pen, Jon Oliver, and most notably Francis Fukuyama—all communists in the eyes of Bolsonaro's most exalted supporters.

Despite the notoriety of this election, and its worldwide attention, there is another aspect of it which has remained mostly unseen: the constant utilization of medieval images and themes.