5.1 Introduction
In recent years, an increasingly libertarian judiciary has struck down a range of health care transparency regulation under the Employee Retirement and Income Security Act (ERISA). ERISA preempts state laws that “relate to” employee benefit plans.Footnote 1 This test is an indeterminate one,Footnote 2 and thus, lower courts bolster their analysis with policy considerations in striking down these laws.
Several scholars, including myself, have argued that invalidating these transparency laws is undesirable for various reasons.Footnote 3 I do not seek to reprise that debate here. Rather, this chapter focuses on rebutting a specific policy consideration that courts advance when invalidating transparency laws – namely, that such laws undermine freedom of contract by forcing plaintiffs to disclose information in violation of contracts to which they are parties. This chapter identifies a doctrinal thread in ERISA cases that rebuts such freedom of contract claims using freedom of choice arguments: indeed, as various cases hold, it is freedom of choice that truly vindicates freedom of contract values. Based on those cases, I argue that transparency laws advance both freedom of choice and contract by giving parties necessary information.
Advancing this argument is important. State defendants generally highlight the public regulatory interests that transparency laws serve. But many market-oriented judges are less attuned to the goals of public regulation. Advancing arguments that vindicate market- and contract-based values might prove more successful.
The chapter begins by describing how courts have invalidated significant amounts of state transparency regulation, including regulation pertaining to All Payers’ Claims Databases (APCDs),Footnote 4 pharmacy data,Footnote 5 and surprise billing prohibitions.Footnote 6 Sections 5.3 and 5.4 then explain how, to justify ERISA preemption of state law, courts invoke policy arguments sounding in freedom of contract.
While such arguments have a powerful resonance, Section 5.5 traces a line of ERISA cases, namely those involving any willing provider (AWP) laws, in which state defendants neutralized freedom of contract claims by advancing freedom of choice arguments. It also looks to historical contract law cases, which juxtaposed freedom of choice and freedom of contract to hold that ultimately, freedom of choice helped vindicate true freedom of contract values.
Section 5.6 lays out the argument that transparency laws furthers freedom of choice, and, resultantly, of contract. States have generally offered arguments sounding in public regulatory interests, such as cost- and quality-control to defend these laws. I argue that presenting transparency rationales as ways to allow informed consumers to make choices to promote well-functioning markets may produce better outcomes before market-oriented judges. By forcing information availability, data transparency laws promote contracting in the private market as did AWP laws.
5.2 Transparency Legislation
“[H]ealth care price transparency initiatives are all the rage.”Footnote 7 While the Affordable Care Act and subsequent federal legislation have taken significant steps to promote transparency, states have been at the forefront of the effort. Three initiatives have received significant commentary.
The first are laws that promote APCDs – databases containing information that providers send to insurance companies for reimbursement.Footnote 8 Many state laws require health insurance companies to submit this data to a state agency.Footnote 9 APCDs serve a dual purpose: first, giving states information to address public health crises like COVID-19 and opioid misuse, and, second, cross-checking health data accuracy, calculating reimbursement rates, and the like. The databases also promote price transparency as they supply information to consumers and health care providers.
Next, starting in 2016, numerous states have passed bills requiring pharmacy benefits managers (PBMs) to report pricing methodology to state insurance commissioners and, often, to the pharmacies with which they contract. Information includes “increases in list prices, … aggregated dollar amount of rebates, [and] fees or price concessions provided by manufacturers.”Footnote 10
A third category in which states have shown a pattern of promoting health transparency is in the context of surprise billing by out-of-network providers. Several states have enacted regulations requiring plans and providers to disclose information about network participation so that patients are not surprised by the higher costs incurred from going to out-of-network providers.Footnote 11 As of 2022, federal legislation also provides out-of-network coverage protection,Footnote 12 but some state laws go further.Footnote 13
5.3 ERISA Preemption Cases
ERISA preempts state laws that “relate to” employee benefit plans.Footnote 14 The inquiry has two prongs. First, a state law that makes “reference” to a plan is preempted. Next, laws that have a “connection to” ERISA plans are also invalid.Footnote 15 This chapter will not analyze this test in detail. Suffice it to say that a series of cases have invalidated state transparency laws under this test.
In Gobeille v. Liberty Mutual, the Supreme Court invalidated data collection mandates for self-insured employers in APCDs under the “connection to” prong of the preemption test. According to the Court, the APCD reporting law would “govern, or interfere with the uniformity of, plan administration and so ha[s] an impermissible connection with ERISA plans.”Footnote 16 As a result of the ruling, 60 percent of all employers can ignore information mandates in their states.Footnote 17
A year after Gobeille, in Pharmaceutical Care Management Association v. Gerhart, the Eighth Circuit targeted the second category of transparency regulation—PBM reporting, under both prongs of the preemption test. Gerhart held first that, because the state PBM statute explicitly exempted certain ERISA plans from compliance, the statute therefore made explicit "reference” to the plans.Footnote 18 Then, for good measure, the court also relied on Gobeille to hold that the law failed under the “connection to” prong. PBMs act as third-party administrators of pharmacy benefits for ERISA plans, reasoned the court. Referencing Gobeille’s language that I quote above, the court held that a law that “compels PBMs as third-party administrators to report to the commissioner and to network pharmacies their [reimbursement] methodology” therefore “intrudes upon a matter central to plan administration and interferes with nationally uniform plan administration.”Footnote 19
Notwithstanding subsequent Supreme Court case law on PBM legislation, Gerhart remains – in part – good law. In 2020, the Supreme Court upheld a state law requiring PBMs to reimburse pharmacies at higher rates. The Court noted that the PBM regulation does not “refer” to an ERISA plan as it “does not act immediately and exclusively upon ERISA plans because it applies to PBMs whether or not they manage an ERISA plan.”Footnote 20 Gerhart’s “reference to” analysis thus no longer survives. But Gerhart’s analysis under the “connection with” prong remains intact.Footnote 21
5.4 The Freedom of Contract Backdrop
The cases above purport to rely on formalistic analysis, and scholars treat Gobeille in particular as a straightforward example of ERISA preemption.Footnote 22 But ERISA doctrinal analysis is indeterminate.Footnote 23 As a practical matter, courts invoke policy considerations such as uniformity of administration or burdens on administrators, and scholars have commented on these policy claims. But one policy justification that has received no attention is that concerning freedom of contract.
As I argue elsewhere, there was more to Gobeille than met the eye. The employer’s ERISA plan argued in its briefing that preemption of state law was required because the state regulation displaced contracts between beneficiaries and the insurance company, which, it claimed, required keeping data confidential.Footnote 24 Significant text was devoted to this argument by the United States Solicitor General’s Office before the ERISA plan even filed its brief.Footnote 25 This debate over the importance of respecting contracts was strange: While the Supreme Court in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was sympathetic to plaintiffs who challenged state laws that, they claimed, undermined freedom of contract under the Contract Clause, since the New Deal, this approach to the Contract Clause has been repudiated. State law has generally been understood to govern contract terms.Footnote 26
Despite the demise of freedom of contract arguments in constitutional doctrine, they retained a strange afterlife in ERISA cases. The earliest ERISA preemption cases in the 1970s concerned pension benefits,Footnote 27 with plaintiffs complaining that ERISA undermined freedom of contract in pension arrangements. Courts replied that that was exactly what ERISA was meant to do. As an Alabama district court wrote in 1979, with ERISA, “freedom of contract was largely eliminated from the world of pension agreements.”Footnote 28 That line of thinking filtered its way into courts of appeals.Footnote 29
While freedom of contract arguments failed in the 1970s pension cases, in the 1980s, employers brought a new set of preemption cases, claiming that state laws regarding health plans were preempted. By this time academic, and then, judicial, attitudes to freedom of contract had changed, and courts took a different tack.Footnote 30 A decade after one Alabama district court opinion repudiated freedom of contract principles in pension plans, another Alabama district court held that those principles remained alive and well in welfare benefit plans: “Congress included welfare benefit plans within the scheme of ERISA, but did not provide an extensive array of mandatory provisions as it did for pension plans. The implication here is that parties retain a greater degree of freedom to contract between themselves as to what benefits will be provided under welfare plans.”Footnote 31 This language became boilerplate in judicial opinions that emphasized the importance of freedom of contract in welfare benefit plans.Footnote 32
While there were some asides in opinions that recognized the limitations of freedom of contract doctrine,Footnote 33 in a small but steady diet of cases since the 1980s through today, courts have infused the policy analysis that characteristically underlies ERISA preemption cases with freedom of contract claims. One district court linked the “‘vital public interest’ in health care cost containment … with the traditional freedom to contract as one pleases.”Footnote 34 Another emphasized that “the public has an interest in protecting the freedom to contract by enforcing contractual rights and obligations.”Footnote 35 And in 2017, a court held that “[r]equiring … compl[iance] with … plan[] procedures not only respects freedom of contract, but will also serve important purposes,” relating to the ERISA dispute resolution process.Footnote 36 Every court to invoke freedom of contract has found that ERISA preempts the state statute. Even though freedom of contract is never the centerpiece of the holdings, its appearance is notable.
ERISA preemption cases involving transparency statutes also endorse contract principles (albeit not as explicitly as the ERISA preemption cases I describe above). The Gobeille Court began its application of ERISA doctrine by observing that “ERISA does not guarantee substantive benefits. The statute, instead, seeks to make the benefits promised by an employer more secure by mandating certain oversight systems and other standard procedures.”Footnote 37 Similarly, the offense in Gerhart is described as “dictating the manner by which PBMs contract with pharmacies regarding … pricing.”Footnote 38
5.5 Rebutting Freedom of Contract – The AWP Cases
How might one address the freedom of contract anxiety that courts evince in striking down transparency statutes? One answer might lie in a line of cases that successfully defeated these arguments – those concerning AWP statutes.
These statutes require insurers or PBMs to contract with any provider willing to abide by their terms to prevent insurers from limiting costs by artificially throttling the ability of individuals to access care.Footnote 39 By 1986, eight states had passed these AWP statutes,Footnote 40 leading to some of the earliest ERISA preemption litigation. But outcomes conflicted. Two circuits held that ERISA preempted these laws; two circuits held the opposite.Footnote 41
Those supporting the laws argued that even if these laws “relate[d] to” a plan, and therefore met ERISA’s preemption test, they survived under a preemption exception which allowed states to “regulate[] insurance.”Footnote 42 The Supreme Court, through Justice Scalia, sided with this view in Kentucky Association of Health Plans v. Miller.Footnote 43
The doctrine surrounding the insurance savings clause, as the Court admits in Miller itself,Footnote 44 is far from clear.Footnote 45 Indeed, commentators have suggested that Miller was “self-contradictory” and probably unworkable.Footnote 46 Just as courts rely on policy arguments to determine whether state laws “relate to” an ERISA plan in the first place because of the term’s indeterminacy, those parsing the insurance savings clause also invoke policy claims – including freedom of contract arguments.
The previous section notes that in ERISA health preemption cases, courts that mention freedom of contract arguments do so to hold that the state laws are invalid. The AWP cases are no exception. In CIGNA Healthplan of Louisiana v. Ieyoub, the first lawsuit that resulted in appellate invalidation of an AWP law,Footnote 47 the plaintiffs sought freedom of contract as an independent ground of relief. They argued both that “the Any Willing Provider Statute is preempted by ERISA” and, “[a]s an alternative claim, … that the statute violates the Due Process Clause … because it interferes with the plaintiffs’ freedom to contract with health care providers of their choice.”Footnote 48 In a ruling affirmed on appeal, the court held that ERISA preempted the AWP law. Similarly, in a lower court ruling in the Eighth Circuit (the other jurisdiction to invalidate AWP laws) the court explained that the effect of AWP laws “on ERISA plans is to eliminate their freedom to contract with HMOs.”Footnote 49 In the other AWP cases as well, petitioners advanced arguments that sounded in freedom of contract – ultimately, and unsuccessfully – at the Supreme Court.Footnote 50
But two circuits, and later, the Supreme Court, upheld these laws and rejected ERISA preemption. In these cases, freedom of contract was never mentioned. Rather, courts emphasized a different concept – freedom of choice. As proponents of AWP statutes emphasized, the laws allowed consumers to choose providers they wanted. For instance, in Stuart Circle v. Aetna, the court explained that the state legislature had given “priority to an insured’s freedom to choose doctors and hospitals over the possibility of reduced insurance premiums …. The wisdom of this decision is a concern of the legislature, not the judiciary.”Footnote 51
Five years later, faced with the challenge that would mature into Miller, the district court quoted extensively from Stuart Circle, and noted that “freedom to choose a treating physician is inextricable from the nature of the coverage provided.”Footnote 52 On appeal, the Sixth Circuit plugged the same refrain with even greater vigor. It noted that the law would “increase benefits to the insureds by giving them greater freedom to choose health care providers,”Footnote 53 and noted that policyholders were concerned with “restriction on their freedom of choice in seeking medical treatment.”Footnote 54 Indeed, the freedom of choice argument attracted the dissent’s ire. After questioning whether the AWP law actually promoted “freedom of choice,” the dissent curtly cautioned, “any concerns over freedom of choice are beside the point.”Footnote 55 The Supreme Court affirmed the majority, though without mentioning freedom of choice.
The contrast is clear. Cases coming down in favor of ERISA preemption generally, and with respect to AWP laws in particular, raise freedom of contract as one of ERISA’s aims. In the AWP context, however, courts that decided against ERISA preemption invoked freedom of choice arguments instead.
Critics might suggest that I am reading too much into these cases. After all, prominent literature that defends freedom of contract uses the terms “contract” and “choice” interchangeably,Footnote 56 as do widely cited judicial decisions,Footnote 57 and one appellate ERISA preemption case.Footnote 58 Yet, however the terms are used elsewhere, in the ERISA opinions I describe above, and in related party submissions, freedom of choice constitutes a term of art, referring to a certain subset of laws that allows patients to see providers that they prefer. And the courts in these cases, at least, do not use the term interchangeably but almost in contraposition to each other.
Indeed, we see even more explicit juxtaposition of freedom of contract and choice in other lines of cases. During the 1970s, when courts were least sympathetic to freedom of contract claims,Footnote 59 the need to ensure true freedom of choice was widely relied on as a reason to ignore formalistic adherence to contract. In an influential and widely quoted passage,Footnote 60 for example, the New Jersey Supreme Court in Kugler v. Romain defended unconscionability doctrine, by noting, “[t]he intent of the clause is not to erase the doctrine of freedom of contract, but to make realistic the assumption of the law that the agreement has resulted from real bargaining between parties who had freedom of choice and understanding and ability to negotiate in a meaningful fashion.”Footnote 61 Thus, held Kugler, “freedom to contract survives,” but is dependent on whether there is actual freedom of choice.Footnote 62
At the same time, these courts reasoned, it is a mistake to paint freedom of choice as a completely separate concept from ‘true’ freedom of contract. Indeed, many courts that relied on freedom of choice to counter freedom of contract arguments ultimately concluded that freedom of choice as they saw it enabled true freedom of contract. As the Puerto Rico Supreme Court explained in another highly cited opinion that drew limits around noncompete agreements: excessively stringent contracts “not only … violate contractual good faith but also public policy, by excessively and unjustifiably restricting the employee’s freedom of contract and the general public’s freedom of choice.”Footnote 63 As another court explained in the early years of freedom of contract’s decline, “[l]iberty of contract does not mean the right to make any kind of contract with any body but merely the right to make contracts with competent persons on a plane of relative parity or freedom of choice.”Footnote 64 Thus, “freedom of choice” considerations may undermine freedom of contract as a formal matter but ultimately advance its true goals. Such an approach to freedom of contract – which relies on whether parties have freedom of choice – has implications for the ERISA transparency cases.
5.6 Transparency Laws Further Freedom of Choice
It is hard to assess the extent to which freedom of contract arguments play a role in ERISA preemption. Yet, it would appear that increasingly market-oriented courts see freedom of contract as an important value, and view ERISA preemption as a means to vindicate it. These courts might be unsympathetic to counterarguments that draw on public regulatory goals, such as price-setting. But advancing freedom of choice arguments – which, ultimately, can be reframed as helping achieve true freedom of contract, might prove more successful.
Transparency laws in general serve dual purposes as Section 5.2 explains. For example, APCD laws serve public regulatory goals such as price setting, but also private purposes, such as providing data transparency to allow consumers and other stakeholders to negotiate with insurers. This is true of other transparency initiatives including those involving PBMs. State litigants, however, have tended to emphasize the regulatory importance of these laws.
Consider the Gerhart litigation. The state’s brief did not raise concerns about inequitable bargaining power even once. It rather emphasized the public, regulatory goals of the PBM statute. The AWP law “regulates a PBM’s reimbursement of pharmacies. It regulates the pharmacy side of PBMs’ business.”Footnote 65 Rather than explaining how the law helps pharmacies negotiate with PBMs, it emphasized how the law regulates the negotiation.
By contrast, amici heavily emphasized how the transparency laws promoted private bargaining between parties. They point to the bargaining inequity between parties: “independent pharmacies cannot simply refuse to do business with PBMs, much less insist upon fair contractual terms … as PBMs manage drug benefits for 95 percent of all Americans with prescription-drug benefits …. Thus, PBMs are able to impose take-it-or-leave-it contracts on pharmacies.” Notably, “even large pharmacies, like those managed by CVS, Walgreens, and Kmart, have struggled to secure fair treatment from PBMs.”Footnote 66 The legislation addresses these concerns because – in part – it “requires PBMs to disclose how they calculate their reimbursement amounts in any contracts with Iowa pharmacies and gives contracting pharmacies a chance to contest the reimbursement amount.”Footnote 67 In this way, their reasoning evoked the contract analysis of the courts in the AWP cases described above, who sought to promote freedom of choice.
The Gobeille briefing presented the same problem. Some – including government entities – did mention the importance of the data for private bargaining, though none of them foregrounded it as a purpose of the legislation. Thus, only after explaining how states used APCD data to address costs in their regulatory capacity did the brief of the AARP (formerly the American Association of Retired Persons) and others explain: “patients usually do not know the price of health care … [and] need information to make informed choices about … health care services, before they purchase these services – just as they would to make any other major purchase. They … need to know … whether they are getting the best value for their dollar.”Footnote 68 The American Hospital Association with the American Association of Medical Colleges first emphasized the public health regulation that APCDs achieve at length, before, in a brief paragraph, noting that the “[p]atients – especially those who personally bear a significant share of their health care costs – need reliable sources of information for determining how to spend their health care dollars,” and noting that Colorado had a website to promote this goal.Footnote 69 Other prominent briefs did the same, emphasizing a range of other significant public goals.Footnote 70 Few of these briefs mentioned, much less explained, the powerlessness that patient–consumers experience. None of them used the language of freedom of choice, which figured so prominently in the AWP cases, to defend the laws.Footnote 71
And most of the briefs – including individual briefs filed by other states and by the American Medical AssociationFootnote 72 – did not even mention how data transparency furthered consumer choice. Most notably, the brief of the Petitioner, the state of Vermont, lists the uses of the data as follows: “improve the delivery of medical care to its citizens and guide health care regulation and policy.”Footnote 73 Its Reply brief even mentions the federal uses to which the data is put.Footnote 74 Consumer and market participant needs were not mentioned.
Yet, there is a strong argument that transparency laws support freedom of choice. Colorado, New Hampshire, and Maine have each “used its APCD data to create a public website that enables its residents to compare the cost of health care services across providers within the State,” while others intend to do so. Patients can “compare costs by selecting a particular kind of health care service [say, a hip replacement], a geographical area [say, within 25 miles from Denver], and the kind of insurance to be billed …. The website would then display the median price.” The Maine website gives consumers and providers transparent information on provider performance, cost, and reimbursement.Footnote 75
Arguing that data transparency supports freedom of choice for those who would otherwise lack it may prove to be important in advancing data transparency claims in other contexts. To be sure, the Supreme Court is unlikely to revisit APCDs. But other important data transparency efforts remain ongoing, as Section 5.2 describes. Further, the Department of Labor has drafted policies that would require self-funded plans to report APCD data federally – but only on a voluntary basis, likely fearing opposition to the policies.Footnote 76 Freedom of choice arguments might prove important in those policy contexts as well – while they are used in judicial decisions, they are policy arguments to begin with.
5.7 Conclusion
Freedom of choice is not the only, or arguably, even the most important, argument for data transparency. The public values – including those emphasized and foregrounded in the Gobeille briefing – are probably more vital than providing data to consumers to enable bargaining. Even with data, consumers will lack market power.Footnote 77 Data can also prove hard to parse and analyze for consumers, especially those experiencing serious medical conditions.Footnote 78 Yet, freedom of choice arguments allow promoters of transparency laws to meet those who promote freedom of contract on their own turf and can prove to be of strategic value in advancing the cause of data transparency before market-oriented courts. Rather than emphasizing public regulatory goals, then, state defendants and policymakers should create a record that emphasizes how these databases support contracting between private parties in order to withstand ERISA preemption challenges.