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3 - Spatial governance instruments in China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 January 2024

Weidong Liu
Affiliation:
Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing
Michael Dunford
Affiliation:
University of Sussex and Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing
Zhigao Liu
Affiliation:
Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing
Zhenshan Yang
Affiliation:
Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing
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Summary

INTRODUCTION

China is a geographically large country, with diversity in terms of natural environment, levels of development, population composition and local cultures (Zhang & Peck 2016). Therefore, it is imperative that the state deal with central– local relations (Zhang & Chen 2014). Spatial governance is an important part of the China model, equipping the state and the regions and socially embedding them in a spatial market economy system. The role of spatial governance is, on the one hand, to establish and adjust the rules and conditions that are required for facilitating market operation and, on the other, to promote social justice and balanced regional development. Hence, spatial governance is one of the most distinctive features of the China model, as a tool for the “state” to intervene in the market and society and coordinate them to achieve sustainable development. In promoting this goal, the spatial governance is not static but is adjusted and improved, to reflect requirements and feedbacks from the market and society.

Generally speaking, spatial governance plays a role in the China model in two ways. One is spatial plans and planning systems, which act as regulations guiding development. The other is the control of productive factors, including land (Lin 2014), and population, including labour in space (Yang & Dunford 2018; Chen & Fan 2016; Sun & Fan 2011; Fan 2002).

The implementation of spatial governance tools in China is much rooted in its governance culture, as described in Chapter 2. Dominated by Confucianism, benevolence is a central principle applied in an orderly social hierarchy, in which it contributes to the establishment of a stable social order (Dunford & Liu 2015). Profoundly affected by this thinking, when China shifted to a market economy its planning system did not collapse (ibid.). Plans and planning are not considered emblematic features of a centrally planned economy distinctive from a market economy. Chinese leaders such as Deng Xiaoping regarded the market and planning systems to be just instruments for promoting economic development (see Chapter 1).

Type
Chapter
Information
Exploring the Chinese Social Model
Beyond Market and State
, pp. 53 - 78
Publisher: Agenda Publishing
Print publication year: 2022

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