Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Illustrations
- Note on Transliteration
- Glossary of Mainly Political and Military Terms
- List of Regiments
- Acknowledgements
- Preface
- Introduction
- 1 Traditions of Hierarchical Warriorhood
- 2 The Historical Context of Emergent Warriors
- 3 Military Lands and Power Politics
- 4 Ecological Roots of Local Leadership
- 5 Social Localities of Emergent Warriors
- 6 Military Training in Sports, Horsemanship and Hunting
- 7 Political Authority and Military Power
- 8 Zeraf: Symbols and Rituals of Power and Rebellion
- 9 First Italian Invasion, 1896
- 10 Guerrilla Warfare, 1935–1941
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
- Miscellaneous Frontmatter
4 - Ecological Roots of Local Leadership
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 October 2019
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- List of Illustrations
- Note on Transliteration
- Glossary of Mainly Political and Military Terms
- List of Regiments
- Acknowledgements
- Preface
- Introduction
- 1 Traditions of Hierarchical Warriorhood
- 2 The Historical Context of Emergent Warriors
- 3 Military Lands and Power Politics
- 4 Ecological Roots of Local Leadership
- 5 Social Localities of Emergent Warriors
- 6 Military Training in Sports, Horsemanship and Hunting
- 7 Political Authority and Military Power
- 8 Zeraf: Symbols and Rituals of Power and Rebellion
- 9 First Italian Invasion, 1896
- 10 Guerrilla Warfare, 1935–1941
- Conclusion
- Bibliography
- Index
- Miscellaneous Frontmatter
Summary
The features of the Ethiopian landscape were among the inclusive principles that for chewa defined the country (hager). Deeply appreciating them as part of their ancestral heritage, warriors familiarized themselves with the rivers that were frequently impassable, the mountains that were strongholds, the forests that were inhabited by outlaws and wildlife, and the ‘deserts’ and low-lying areas that were perceived as distant. In much the same way as when they defended personal and communal lands, the chewa sought acknowledgements of courage, stamina and excellence in knowing and overcoming the challenges posed by the topography. Youth committed to experiencing these land features achieved symbolic transition towards adulthood, while adults received recognition for their good political judgement. Chewa warriors were committed to ‘die’, both for the lands and the people inhabiting them at the risk of their own livelihoods. The capacity to use ecological frontiers to determine Ethiopia's friends and foes gave the warriors, whether in training or qualified, lifelong experiences that defined Ethiopia and its people in the wider region. Rubenson challenged Toynbee's assertions that Ethiopia owed its survival to its landscape. Indeed Ethiopian warriors attributed defence to the qualities of their warriorhood in the various features of the landscape.
LANDSCAPE FEATURES
The warriors experienced the practicality of militaristic principles and duties while living as hunters, overcoming the mysterious and ambiguous dangers posed by illegal traders, outlaws and external invaders. In that sense, surviving in inhospitable riparian areas was also considered among chewa military feats. Rivers, lakes and forests were almost ‘no-man's lands’ in political and military terms. Dervla Murphy experienced the dangers in the 1960s, and Mesfin Welde-Mariam points out: ‘when crossing most river valleys one may not see a single person, unless one is unfortunate enough to encounter shiftas or robbers’. Some of these features were historical territorial markers that were not to be crossed. Sending a message to people living by a river of one's intention to drink from its waters was a threat, and speaking of the death of a foe ‘while facing away from the river’ indicated impending victory.
Spiritual and temporal attributes gave additional and deeper meaning to the topography.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Ethiopian WarriorhoodDefence, Land and Society 1800–1941, pp. 107 - 118Publisher: Boydell & BrewerPrint publication year: 2018