Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Figures and Tables
- Contributors
- Preface
- Part One Introduction
- Part Two Representational theories of culture
- Part Three Psychological functions of culture
- Part Four Manifestations of cultural processes
- 8 Culture and Self-Enhancement
- 9 Cultural Processes Underlying Subjective Well-Being
- 10 Cultural Processes in Teams: The Development of Team Mental Models in Heterogeneous Work Teams
- 11 Harmony, Illusory Relationship Costs, and Conflict Resolution in Chinese Contexts
- Part Five Transcultural processes
- Index
- References
8 - Culture and Self-Enhancement
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Figures and Tables
- Contributors
- Preface
- Part One Introduction
- Part Two Representational theories of culture
- Part Three Psychological functions of culture
- Part Four Manifestations of cultural processes
- 8 Culture and Self-Enhancement
- 9 Cultural Processes Underlying Subjective Well-Being
- 10 Cultural Processes in Teams: The Development of Team Mental Models in Heterogeneous Work Teams
- 11 Harmony, Illusory Relationship Costs, and Conflict Resolution in Chinese Contexts
- Part Five Transcultural processes
- Index
- References
Summary
People desire positive self-perceptions. A College Board (1976–1977) survey of nearly one million high school seniors found that only 2% of them perceived themselves to be worse than average on leadership ability, and no respondents believed that they were worse than average on the ability to get along with others. High school seniors are not alone in displaying this bias. In other surveys, more than 94% of university professors thought that they had better-than-average teaching ability (Cross, 1977); college students rated themselves as better than average on 38 of 40 positive personality traits (e.g., dependable, intelligent; Alicke, Klotz, Breitenbecher, Yurak, & Vredenburg, 1995); and a randomly selected sample of 296 New Jersey residents perceived that they were less susceptible than others to a diverse set of hazards (Weinstein, 1987).
Other psychological processes attend to this persistent Pollyanna view of the self. For instance, individuals who construct unrealistically positive self-perceptions are motivated to maintain positive regards of the self (see Taylor & Brown, 1988; Heine, Lehman, Markus, & Kitayama, 1999). Holding a Pollyanna self-view dovetails such biases as displaying unrealistic optimism (e.g., Weinstein, 1980; Kuiper & MacDonald, 1982), making internal attributions for successes and external attributions for failures (e.g., Zuckerman, 1979; Heine, Kitayama, & Lehman, 2001), and exhibiting the false uniqueness effect (e.g., Markus & Kitayama, 1991). For the purpose of maintaining a positive self-view in the face of self-esteem threats, individuals may also engage in compensatory self-deceptive behaviors, including adopting self-handicapping strategies (e.g., Tice & Baumeister, 1990), undergoing defensive attitude change (e.g., Steele, 1988), displaying aggressive behaviors (e.g., Bushman & Baumeister, 1998), engaging in downward social comparison (e.g., Gibbons & McCoy, 1991), and discounting negative feedback (Heine, Kitayama, & Lehman, 2001).
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Cultural ProcessesA Social Psychological Perspective, pp. 139 - 153Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 2010