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123 results in Trends in Southeast Asia

Page 1 of 7

How Thailand's Move Forward Party's Fandom Strategy Shaped the 2023 General Election
  • Alexandra Colombier
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    16 April 2024
    Print publication:
    10 March 2024
  • The concept of political fandom, the state of being fans of a politician or of a political party, played a crucial role during Thailand's General Election in 2023. Fandom contributed to the popularity on social media of politicians, such as Pita Limjaroenrat, the Move Forward Party's leader and prime ministerial candidate.

    The strategies involved in achieving celebrity status for politicians are varied. This paper provides a case study of the factors behind the success of Pita and the Move Forward Party and contrasts these with reasons why Pita's key political opponents were less effective.

    It argues that the digital age and the transcendence of politics into pop culture, where celebrity status and fandom can drive electoral outcomes, signify a profound shift in democratic participation, political engagement and the very fabric of Thai politics.

    While fandom has become a stream in participatory democracy, it also highlights the polarized and temperamental nature of Thailand's contemporary hyper-partisan political scene.

China's Cultural Diplomacy in Indonesia
  • The Case of a Transnational Singing Contest
  • Chang-Yau Hoon, Ardhitya Eduard Yeremia
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    16 April 2024
    Print publication:
    08 February 2024
  • The emphasis on cultural connectivity in China's growing presence and involvement in Southeast Asia highlights the importance China places on people-to-people exchanges as part of its global engagement strategy.

    The remarkable ascension of China over the recent decades has precipitated a proliferation of anti-China sentiments, particularly galvanized within the crucible of a 'discourse war' with Western powers, as expressed in the latter's 'China threat' narrative.

    In response to such challenges, China has made substantial investments in cultural diplomacy, to augment its soft power through orchestrated global outreach initiatives.

    This article examines Chinese cultural diplomacy in the realm of entertainment, specifically 'The Melody of Spring: Transnational Spring Festival Gala' hosted in Nanning, Guangxi, and disseminated globally each Chinese New Year.

    Against the legacy of China-Indonesia bilateral relations as well as Indonesia's treatment of its Chinese minority, this study explores China's cultural diplomacy and soft power in contemporary Indonesia.

    Through the case study of the 'Transnational Spring Festival Gala', this article posits that China's cultural dissemination as an instrument of soft power has yielded little influence on the Indonesian public and has limited impact on the formation of a transnational imagined community.

Enhancing ASEAN's Role in Critical Mineral Supply Chains
  • Sharon Seah, Mirza Sadaqat Huda
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    17 April 2024
    Print publication:
    08 February 2024
  • The clean energy transition momentum is gathering pace globally, and in Southeast Asia as well. The transition is dependent on an uninterrupted supply of critical minerals and metals that are essential for the production of low-carbon technologies.

    The supply of critical minerals is impeded by several constraints. First is the dominance of a handful of countries in both the upstream and downstream parts of the supply chain. Second is the current geopolitical race to secure supplies leading to greater protectionist behaviours, exhibited through export bans and trade impediments.

    This study focuses on four selected critical minerals which are important to the region. Two criteria are used in determining a mineral having high significance: (1) There are significant deposits of it which can be tapped on to bolster Southeast Asia's strategic position in the supply chains; and (2) It is an essential input in industries and sectors of importance in Southeast Asia. The four critical minerals examined in this study are: copper, nickel, bauxite (alumina), and rare earth elements (REEs).
    ,br>The study makes three recommendations to enhance ASEAN's role in the critical minerals supply chains. The first addresses the insufficiency of investments in early-stage exploration and exploitation of critical minerals. The second appeals for investments at all stages, including in technology to tap into downstream activities beyond refining and purification, and in the manufacturing of component parts. The third calls for improvements in sustainability management in the mining sector, which is generally extremely environmentally and socially damaging to communities.

China as a Rising Norm Entrepreneur
  • Examining GDI, GSI and GCI
  • Manoj Kewalramani
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    16 April 2024
    Print publication:
    15 January 2024
  • This paper discusses Chinese President Xi Jinping's flagship global initiatives' normative implications for the world order.

    It argues that the Global Development Initiative (GDI), Global Security Initiative (GSI) and Global Civilization Initiative (GCI), which are key pillars of China's proposal to build a community of common destiny for mankind, are driven by Beijing's desire to cultivate authority in the international system.

    Analysing the speeches by Chinese leaders, policy documents, media and analytical discourse in China, along with policy decisions, this study provides an assessment of the Chinese leadership's worldview. It places the launch of GDI, GSI and GCI within this context, before detailing the elements of each initiative and offering a critical analysis.

    This study concludes that through GDI, GSI and GCI, the Chinese leadership hopes to shape an external environment that not only ensures regime security but is also favourable to China's development and security interests. In doing so, however, it is reshaping key norms of global governance towards a fundamentally illiberal direction.

Timor-Leste in ASEAN
  • Is It Ready to Join?
  • Joanne Lin, Sharon Seah, Sithanonxay Suvannaphakdy, Melinda Martinus
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    18 April 2024
    Print publication:
    11 January 2024
  • After more than a decade of deliberations, ASEAN leaders agreed on 11 November 2022 in principle to admit Timor-Leste as the eleventh member of the regional organization and to grant Timor-Leste observer status to attend all ASEAN meetings. Timor-Leste has demonstrated positive developmental progress, and fact-finding missions across the three ASEAN Community pillars have returned generally optimistic results.

    Timor-Leste has put in place institutional structures and implementing agencies for advancing cooperation with ASEAN. It is also moving towards harmonizing its laws with ASEAN instruments. However, its capacity remains in question due to a lack of substantive knowledge and technical expertise among government officials, as well as inadequate infrastructure, logistics and facilities for hosting ASEAN meetings.

    Strengthening human capital will be a top priority for Timor-Leste. This includes not only enhancing its personnel's knowledge and technical expertise on ASEAN processes and procedures but also skills such as English language proficiency and negotiation. Coordinated capacity-building assistance from ASEAN and dialogue partners will be important. These efforts must also be met with economic diversification and growth of its nascent private sector.

    Apart from bridging gaps, ASEAN needs to grapple with its reservations that Timor-Leste's economic limitations may slow down the realization of the ASEAN Economic Community. There are also concerns that Timor-Leste's membership may entrench differences within the bloc, particularly with regard to geopolitical issues, and dilute the organization's effectiveness or further complicate the consensus-based decision-making process.

The Debate on the Ba'Alawi Lineage in Indonesia
  • Highlighting Weaknesses in the Genealogical Records
  • Ahmad Muhajir, Afra Alatas
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    13 April 2024
    Print publication:
    30 November 2023
  • A scholar from Nahdlatul Ulama by the name of Imaduddin Utsman has recently challenged the long-accepted claim that the Ba'Alawi - Muslims of Hadhrami descent also known in Indonesia as habaib - are descendants of Prophet Muhammad. The challenge arose out of his critical examination of available records on the Prophet's lineage from the fifth century to the tenth century of Islam.

    His unprecedented challenge courted controversy in Indonesia. It was even more surprising that it came from a religious scholar with a traditionalist background.

    The debate that ensued was inevitable as the habaib community had to defend their ancestry, and joining them in their defence were some Javanese Muslim scholars. However, Imaduddin actively rebutted their responses, alongside several other like-minded non-Arab scholars.

    This article examines the debate where both sides presented documents and theories about the (dis)connection of the Ba'Alawi lineage to Prophet Muhammad. We argue that while Imaduddin's research does not fully invalidate the Ba'Alawi lineage, the habaib have not been entirely convincing - from Imaduddin's perspective - about their genealogy.

    Nevertheless, the authority of the habaib remains intact despite the challenge to their lineage. This is because they can derive their authority from other factors apart from their lineage.

Managing China-Singapore Relations amid US-China Rivalry
  • Ma Bo
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    13 November 2023
  • Amid China-US geopolitical competition in the Asia-Pacific, it is imperative for both China and Singapore to adapt and respond to evolving circumstances for mutual benefit.

    The enduring trust and solid foundation between China and Singapore in economic and trade cooperation are validated through their active involvement in each other's initiatives. This proved true even when the recent COVID-19 pandemic strained political interactions.

    The political-security dimensions of the relationship between China and Singapore are complex and constantly evolving, influenced as they are by factors such as Singapore's military training in Taiwan, the contentious South China Sea disputes, and US foreign policy in the region.

    However, Singapore's longstanding hedging strategy between the two superpowers may face increasingly severe tests as China-US rivalry escalates.

    If carefully managed, Singapore's successful track record of facilitating dialogue between conflicting parties can continue to make it a valuable player in easing tensions between China and the US.

The Evolution of Madani
  • How Is 2.0 Different from 1.0?
  • Mohd Faizal Musa
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    01 November 2023
  • In 1995, then Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim introduced 'Masyarakat Madani' as his proposed economic framework for Malaysia. The term was heavily debated among scholars and politicians across all parties and ideologies. It was often argued that Madani was an effort to limit the rise of political Islam.

    Following Anwar Ibrahim's dismissal from government in 1998, Madani came to be more narrowly redefined as 'civil society' However, Anwar's supporters, known as the 'Anwarinas', strove to keep the spirit of Madani alive and continued to promote its ideals of social justice, democratic values and inclusivity. They were encouraged further by the fall of Barisan Nasional from federal power in the fourteenth General Election in 2018.

    After Anwar Ibrahim became Malaysia's tenth Prime Minister in 2022, he reintroduced Madani as a framework for the country, to be implemented in various sectors. Anwar Ibrahim likely received help from scholars such as Ziauddin Sardar, as reflected in his election manifesto, Script for a Better Malaysia. This time around, the core component of Madani is Maqasid Al-Shariah, or the higher objectives of sharia.

    In that sense, Madani is now arguably more an expression of what may be called post-Islamism. For it to succeed, however, it will have to counteract the growing power of the conservatives and Islamists. This may be an uphill battle, given that a key component party of the unity government - UMNO - is facing several allegations of corruption.

Post-Islamism Battles Political Islam in Malaysia
  • Mohd Faizal Musa
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    29 October 2023
  • During the fifteenth general election (GE15) in 2022 and the state elections in 2023, the clash between Anwar Ibrahim and PAS reached new heights. This can be viewed as a battle between political Islam and post-Islamism.

    Political Islam as embodied by PAS pursues the establishment of an Islamic state, while post-Islamism as represented by Anwar Ibrahim is a way of balancing the ambitions of Islam with secular approaches.

    While PAS has been consistent in espousing political Islam since its establishment, Anwar Ibrahim's approach to the role of Islam in politics has changed since his early days in UMNO. Evolving from an Islamist involved in state-led Islamization to a post-Islamist, he now espouses democratic values and multiculturalism.

    The results of GE15 and the 2023 state elections between PAS and Anwar Ibrahim, who is now prime minister, show that there will certainly be sequels to come. The elections illustrate that political Islam is growing in strength. This is most evident in the fact that PAS currently has a whopping forty-three seats in the Malaysian parliament, and controls four states. The only way Anwar Ibrahim can remain in power is through assistance from PAS' old nemesis, UMNO, a party heavily tainted by corruption.

The Labour Politics of App-Based Driving in Vietnam
  • Joe Buckley
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    04 October 2023
  • Over the past decade, app-based driving services like ride-hailing and delivery have become an integral part of business, employment and daily life in Vietnam. This growth, however, has been accompanied by tensions and conflicts between ride-hailing platforms and traditional taxi companies, xe ôm (motorbike taxi drivers), the authorities and the drivers working for these platforms.

    Most drivers on these services are male and work long hours for low wages. Their working conditions are precarious because platforms classify them as partners rather than employees, denying them basic rights and benefits. Although platforms offer bonuses, organize events to celebrate drivers' contributions, and provide training courses, these do not address the fundamental exploitation in the employment relationship.

    The Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs (MOLISA) has not taken sufficient action to protect drivers or taken a stance on whether they should be classified as contractors or employees. The Vietnam General Confederation of Labour (VGCL) is working towards securing social protection for drivers and increasing their representation in labour associations. While some members of the VGCL have argued that app-based drivers are actually workers and should be afforded the same rights and benefits as all workers, this is as yet not the formal position of the confederation.

    Drivers have taken to organizing strikes and protests to demand better treatment from the platforms. Policymakers and practitioners are called upon to ensure that platform work contributes to improved livelihoods and decent lifestyles for all.

Indonesia's Moderate Muslim Websites and Their Fight Against Online Islamic Extremism
  • A'an Suryana
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    03 October 2023
  • It is worrying that, in many cases in Indonesia, exposure to the Internet, especially social media, increases knowledge seekers' religious radicalism. This exposure has not only resulted in increased radicalism but also compelled some individuals to turn to violence in the name of Islam.

    Moderate online media institutions have not been effective in counteracting the online dissemination of extremist religious content. The content disseminated by radical websites is still being popularly consumed, albeit those moderate Muslim websites have put in considerable effort to counteract radical narratives.

    This report argues that this ineffectiveness is due to structural and cultural challenges. The structural challenges include limited funding and sensitivity towards the policy of umbrella organizations. Cultural challenges include passiveness in corporate culture, alongside the 'ivory tower' traditions among journalists which leaves them out of touch with Muslim communities.

    The government of Indonesia can assist moderate Muslim media websites in fighting radical narratives, for example, through better funding to them.

Indonesia's COVID-19 Infodemic
  • A Battle for Truth or Trust?
  • Yatun Sastramidjaja
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    26 September 2023
  • Besides being one of the countries most severely affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, Indonesia also experienced a severe 'infodemic': an overabundance of contradictory information - including misinformation and disinformation - on COVID-19. This infodemic hampered pandemic mitigation efforts, resulting in non-compliance with public health measures and delays to the national vaccination programme in the first six months of the pandemic due to widespread vaccine hesitancy or vaccine refusal. Furthermore, it fomented public distrust of the government and other institutions.

    The government also contributed to the spiral of distrust through its inconsistent policies, lack of transparency, and mixed messages. Especially in the pandemic's early phases, government officials themselves were found spreading misleading information, first to downplay the severity and risk of COVID-19 in order to avoid social unrest, and subsequently to push for a quick reopening of the economy. In prioritizing the economy over public health, considerable resources were spent on influence campaigns to persuade the public to continue business as normal.

    The influence campaigns appeared to succeed in persuading people to return to work and to get vaccinated eventually. However, public distrust remained and was easily reactivated on social media in response to inconsistencies and double standards in the government's enforcement of COVID-19 restrictions.

Terrorism in Indonesia and the Perceived Oppression of Muslims Worldwide
  • Prakoso Permono, A'an Suryana
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    20 September 2023
  • Various motivations underlying terrorism uncovered by recent scholarship include the radicals' desire for Muslim unity, political interest, yearning to correct social and economic deprivation in the Muslim world, and simply anti-Westernism.

    This article focuses on the radicals' call for Muslim solidarity and how this tends towards becoming their primary motivation for perpetrating terrorism. It discusses how radical groups and individuals exaggerate the perceived oppression of Muslims worldwide and how this encourages their sympathizers in planning, fundraising and/or executing terrorist attacks.

    The so-called ummah solidarity discourse is coupled with the prevalence of the dogma that Muslims are targets of Western or foreign oppression. This has legitimized jihadist terrorists' use of violence and facilitated the recruitment of new terrorists.

    Besides regular crackdowns on terrorists and putting limitations on access to radical websites and other Internet sources, this article contends that the Indonesian security apparatuses and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must work with the embassies from India, China and Myanmar based in Jakarta to nullify any likelihood of terror attacks on their embassy compounds or their citizens.

Global Methane Pledge
  • A Review of Data, Policy and Transparency in Reducing Methane Emissions in Malaysia
  • Matthew Ashfold, Helena Varkkey, Yong Jie Wong, Anjulie Razak, Shareen Yawanarajah, Mark Lunt, Emily Yen Tse Oi
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    26 March 2024
    Print publication:
    19 September 2023
  • Malaysia is a signatory of the Global Methane Pledge, but the implications for national action on methane emissions remain unclear. A review of publicly available literature and data revealed that there is no clear national plan for methane action yet. Since signing the Pledge in 2021, there has been no demonstrable government initiative focusing on joined-up methane action at the national level. Malaysia does not have a methane strategy or policy, and sector-specific regulations focusing on methane emissions are either not present, vague, or publicly inaccessible.

    There are indications emissions are falling due to positive corporate action. Effective methane reduction initiatives exist in Malaysia's top two methane-emitting sectors, oil and gas and palm oil, and key players have committed to net zero pathways with methane reductions central to progress to 2030.

    Quantifying reductions with confidence remains challenging. Different reporting approaches and incomplete information on assumptions and uncertainties in quantification approaches, make independent analyses of reported emissions challenging.

    Improvements in corporate Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) in the coming years are expected.

    Methane reduction is a 'low-hanging fruit'. Methane is a major initial lever to reduce greenhouse gas emissions up to 2030 in the climate plans of leading Malaysian industry players. Action to improve methane-related processes in the key oil and gas and palm oil sectors thus presents a valuable opportunity for Malaysia to contribute to global climate mitigation within its long-term national interests.

Urban Biodiversity and Nature-Based Solutions in Southeast Asia
  • Perspectives from Indonesia and Malaysia
  • Alex M. Lechner, Michelle Li Ern Ang, Juin Yan Ooi , Badrul Azhar, J. Miguel Kanai, Perrine Hamel, Saut Sagala
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    01 September 2023
  • Rapid urbanization and development in Southeast Asia have impacted its high biodiversity and unique ecosystems, directly through the use of forest lands for infrastructure building, and indirectly through increasing ecological footprints. In Greater Bandung, Indonesia and Greater Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, rapid urbanization over the last thirty years has resulted in an increase in built infrastructure of approximately two and three times respectively. A Nature-Based Solutions approach can potentially underpin urban design and planning strategies in Greater Bandung and Greater Kuala Lumpur, as well as other cities in Southeast Asia, to address biodiversity conservation and also global environmental challenges such as climate change adaption and mitigation, while supporting well-being. Mainstreaming Nature-Based Solutions in Southeast Asia will require knowledge gaps to be addressed, greater awareness, increasing the evidence base, metrics for measuring success, support from institutions and stakeholders, and new and innovative financing. The urgency of global socio-ecological challenges, in particular the biodiversity and climate crisis, means transformational change is needed in Southeast Asia, for urban, ecological, technical, economic, and social systems, while still supporting sustainable development.

Understanding and Reducing Methane Emissions in Southeast Asia
  • Jiahui Qiu, Ryan Wong
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    01 September 2023
  • A few ASEAN countries have signed the Global Methane Pledge, but methane should receive a broader and higher priority from the entire region, given its significant contribution to climate change, and the availability of solutions. The agriculture sector contributes the most amount of methane emissions with a steadily rising share over the past decade. Several Southeast Asian countries face similar methane abatement challenges (i.e., agricultural productivity in Vietnam, Thailand, Myanmar and the Philippines; gas leakage in Malaysia and Brunei; and waste management in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore), warranting closer collaboration at the subregional level. While it is true that countries have been participating in international initiatives and implementing national policies related to rice cultivation and oil and gas processing, their impacts have not been thoroughly evaluated. Rather than creating new institutional structures, ASEAN could for example ensure that its existing working groups and networks prioritize methane abatement. Missing data on the relative contribution to methane emissions from livestock, rice paddies and informal economies should be collected to help refine problem definition and formulate effective solutions.

Communicating COVID-19 Effectively in Malaysia
  • Challenges and Recommendations
  • Serina Rahman
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    01 September 2023
  • Malaysia was initially lauded for its ability to combat the first few waves of COVID-19 but infection spikes since the Sabah state elections in September 2020 and subsequent exponential increases in both infections and deaths in 2021 left the nation reeling. Nationwide vaccination is seen as the only way out of the pandemic. Malaysia's COVID-19 communication strategy was hampered by political machinations and myriad changes in government. The need to shore up favour among the electorate resulted in inconsistent messaging and regular U-turns whenever there was public outrage at arbitrary restrictions. This resulted in confusion on the ground, preventing successful COVID-19 management and containment. Under the current regime, claims to more accessible data have been disputed and doubts have surfaced over data transparency and accuracy. There is an urgent need to ensure convincingly reliable information, as well as to use more engaging messaging on more suitable media. A holistic and effective COVID-19 communication strategy should adopt principles from several communication approaches, resulting in messages that are clear, simple and accessible as well as consistent and credible. Audiences should be segmented so that messages can be better tailored to their needs, with adequate information on the necessary steps to prevent infection and spread. Fake news, misinformation, and disinformation should be constantly tackled and debunked. The Gerai OA and OA Lindungi Komuniti Facebook pages are outstanding examples of grassroots information dissemination channels that effectively provide fact-checked, coherent and accessible information to local communities in languages and on media best-suited to their audiences.

Assessing the Benefits of the ASEAN+6 Single Window for ASEAN Members
  • Sithanonxay Suvannaphakdy, Guo Wei Kevin Neo
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    01 September 2023
  • The ASEAN+6 Single Window (ASW+6) in this study refers to the geographic expansion of the ASEAN Single Window (ASW) to enable cross-border electronic exchange of trade-related data and documents among ASEAN member states and six FTA partners, namely, Australia, China, India, Japan, New Zealand and South Korea. The ASW is part of ASEAN's trade facilitation reform to reduce intraregional trade costs and time.

    This study considers cross-border paperless trade measures to represent the implementation of ASW+6, using data from the UN Global Survey on Digital and Sustainable Trade Facilitation in 2019. The simulation analyses reveal that the ASW+6 has significant potential to reduce times required to export and import, and to boost trade in ASEAN and its FTA partners.

    The sequence of expanding the ASW to FTA partners may begin with countries that are major sources of ASEAN's export gains identified in this study and those that have expressed their political will to move in that direction. These are Japan and South Korea. The ASW should then be enlarged to remaining FTA partners, especially China and India.

    While trade gains from ASW+6 are substantial, the implementation costs can also be significant due to different regulatory requirements across ASEAN+6 countries. Aid for trade and capacity-building to support the reform process have to be an integral part for the design of ASW+6.

Muslim Sectarianism versus the De-escalation of Sectarianism in Malaysia
  • Mohd Faizal Musa
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    01 September 2023
  • In 1992, a group of academics at the National University of Malaysia (UKM) organized a seminar titled 'Seminar Ahli Sunnah dan Syiah Imamiyyah' ('Seminar on Ahl al-Sunnah and Imami Shi'ism') in Kuala Lumpur. It aimed to demonize Shi'a Muslims and ban Shi'ism, effectively escalating sectarianism in Muslim society. A Deobandi presenter at the seminar by the name of Muhammad Asri Yusoff put forth arguments about Shi'ism, which later became the 'intellectual base' for the discrimination and repression of Shi'a Muslims by Islamic authorities in Malaysia. This repression continues till the present day, and other religious leaders - particularly those with a Salafi orientation - take part in this. While much attention has been given to those who have escalated sectarianism, there have also been efforts to de-escalate sectarianism. These efforts come from groups such as Persatuan Ulama Malaysia, and individuals such as Abdul Hadi Awang of PAS, former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, the leader of International Movement for a Just World, Chandra Muzaffar, as well as Malaysian academic, Syed Farid Alatas. Nevertheless, the roots of sectarianism have been deeply laid since the seminar in 1992. Unsurprisingly, the sectarian campaign against Shi'as is aligned with the agenda of extremist and terrorist organizations such as ISIS. The sectarian campaign thus arguably emboldens such groups and puts Malaysia and the entire Southeast Asia at risk.

Hashtag Campaigns during the COVID-19 Pandemic in Malaysia
  • Escalating from Online to Offline
  • Pauline Pooi Yin Leong, Amirul Adli Rosli
  • Published by:
    ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
    Published online:
    01 September 2023
  • Hashtag campaigns on social media enable users to express their sentiments on various issues and mobilize people to be part of a movement or cause; they have been used effectively by disenfranchised members of society against powerful elites. While some are of the opinion that online campaigns are ineffective due to 'slacktivism', such campaigns can spill over to offline protests, especially if there are strong emotions such as anger, or a sense of injustice or social deprivation, spurring people on. The earlier hashtag campaigns in Malaysia - #AntaraDuaDarjat (#BetweenTwoStatus) and #DengkiKe (#AreYouJealous) - were expressions of unhappiness over perceived double standards in the enforcement of COVID-19 public safety protocols. Later hashtag campaigns such as #KerajaanGagal (#FailedGovernment), #KerajaanZalim (#CruelGovernment) and #KerajaanPembunuh (#MurdererGovernment) became increasingly negative as public disenchantment grew due to the government's weak handling of the pandemic and the consequent economic fallout. Public frustration that manifested itself in the #BenderaHitam (#BlackFlag) and #Lawan (#Protest) movements soon transitioned into offline campaigns and protests against the government. Apart from political hashtag campaigns, there were also welfare movements such as #KitaJagaKita (#WeTakeCareOfOurselves), #BenderaPutih (#WhiteFlag) and #RakyatJagaRakyat (#CitizensTakeCareOfCitizens), which enabled Malaysians to help those affected by the COVID-19 lockdowns, by rendering food aid and other assistance. A key conclusion of this study is that online hashtag campaigns have served as early warning of trending public sentiment. They also have the potential to hype up emotions online and subsequently galvanize support for offline campaigns and protests. As #Lawan and #BenderaHitam showed, these can have direct political outcomes.

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