Syllable integrity, the idea that the content of syllables may not be metrified separately, is often taken to be an inviolable constraint of grammar. This has been challenged in recent work, though the data are often subject to competing analyses. This article claims that syllable integrity is readily violable in Naasioi. Evidence from stress, the minimal word and metrically sensitive allomorphy supports an analysis of the metrical system operating on bimoraic feet, and in which long vowels can be metrified separately. Despite this, there is also evidence, in the form of vowel shortening and truncation, to indicate that long vowels constitute a single syllable. The net result is a stress system which systematically ignores syllables, a state of affairs which allows for syllable integrity violations to arise.