Kruso’b military organization was less formalized and hierarchical than that of the Federal Mexican Army or of Yucatecan militia units, but a certain amount of discipline was called for during combat and on raiding expeditions. In addition, fundamental norms had to be guaranteed to maintain order in kruso’b settlements or to settle personal disputes. The threat or use of force was key in achieving these aims, and the kruso’b political system as a form of strongman rule (caudillaje) made violence a recurrent part of the system. Follower loyalty depended much on lucrative raids. Since the success of such ventures could never be guaranteed, numerous leaders set about gaining additional revenue with the promise of more reliable returns. The wealth generated by these activities allowed them to draw on their own resources to prefinance raids or weather periods of scarcity when looting was impossible. Hence, farming or commercial activities such as the sale of rum would have rendered the authority structure more stable. The accumulation of wealth, however, was a double-edged sword. Kruso’b were not only suspicious of taxation but also of individual wealth (unlike that for the cult).

When the original military and social organization became untenable as a result of death, destruction, flight and dispersal during the war, the religious cult of the Speaking Cross provided solace and hope, and an alternative organizational focus. Allegiance to the town of origin and a number of chiefs endowed with traditional legitimacy as community leaders was replaced by identification with the cult and fealty to potent warriors. Rebel leaders began to legitimize their violent deeds as “orders from the cross.” Beyond this, the use of force was an essential component of the emerging political structure, which could be described as strongman rule (caudillaje or caudillo politics).

Battles between large combat units characterized the first phase of the war from July 1847 to the end of 1848, when rebel forces attempted to conquer the area controlled by the government. The insurgents mobilized large detachments, at times amounting to several thousand combatants. Late 1848, however, saw a shift in the nature of the war. According to a contemporary observer, it transmuted into “an eternal war with no quarter,” assuming “a more bloody and fierce character.” This second phase no longer saw large battles but a “guerrilla war in which engagements were daily and everywhere but with no conclusive result.” For the divided and almost routed rebels, the new Cult of the Speaking Cross became a vital cohesive element. The proclamations of the cross offered an interpretation of their destiny and presented past defeats as sanctions for having offended God’s orders, but they also inspired hope for a better future. Beyond this, veneration of the crosses provided inhabitants of different villages and followers of different leaders with a common ideological point of identification.

Battles between large combat units characterized the first phase of the war from July 1847 to the end of 1848, when rebel forces attempted to conquer the area controlled by the government. The insurgents mobilized large detachments, at times amounting to several thousand combatants. Late 1848, however, saw a shift in the nature of the war. According to a contemporary observer, it transmuted into “an eternal war with no quarter,” assuming “a more bloody and fierce character.” This second phase no longer saw large battles but a “guerrilla war in which engagements were daily and everywhere but with no conclusive result.” For the divided and almost routed rebels, the new Cult of the Speaking Cross became a vital cohesive element. The proclamations of the cross offered an interpretation of their destiny and presented past defeats as sanctions for having offended God’s orders, but they also inspired hope for a better future. Beyond this, veneration of the crosses provided inhabitants of different villages and followers of different leaders with a common ideological point of identification.