In the immediate aftermath of disasters and terrorism, it is critical to rapidly respond to the physical/medical needs of survivors to reduce injuries and the loss of life. Consistent with these situational demands, the description of such events is usually in terms of the resulting number of casualties and physical injuries sustained, with little recognition of or attention to the potential psychosocial consequences that may be experienced by survivors. However, individuals exposed to natural and human-made disasters, including acts of terrorism and large-scale violence, may experience serious immediate and long-term psychological difficulties.

The psychosocial sequelae can be intense and of long duration in the aftermath of natural and technological disasters, as well as terrorist attacks. Posttraumatic stress symptoms and full syndrome disorder, depression, anxiety, somatic complaints, and excessive alcohol use have been demonstrated consistently, particularly following large-scale disasters. This paper examines the psychological research conducted at various intervals after extensive natural disasters, the Three Mile Island and Chernobyl technological accidents, and recent terrorist events in the United States. Factors predictive of the emergence of emotional distress and psychological and physical problems following a disaster also are discussed.

Recent acts of terrorism have emphasised the need for research to further establish not only the nature of the impact of disaster and terrorism on the population, but also further define methods of effective intervention. Those affected, and often overlooked, include children and adolescents, yet, our knowledge of the impact upon the younger members of our community limited. The literature is evolving, and there are a small number of valuable studies that can inform a response to the mental health needs of this younger population.

This article reviews some of the psychological impacts of disaster and terrorism upon children and adolescents, and considers both risk and protective factors. The importance of a developmental approach to children's understanding of disaster, particularly death and the nature of grief and loss are discussed as is the distinction between the phenomenology of bereavement and trauma. Family and community support are highlighted as protective factors, and a number of recent, valuable recommendations for intervention including psychological first aid and cognitive-behavioral therapy are described. Finally, the complex role of the media and the degree that children should exposed to images of violence and disaster is considered. Disasters, whether they are natural or human-made always will be with us. It is necessary that a public-health approach that not only prepares for such scenarios, but responds by maximising the use of existing systems and agency linkages, taken.

When a disaster strikes, parents are quick to seek out the medical advice and reassurance of their primary care physician, pediatrician, or in the case of an emergency, an emergency department physician. As physicians often are the first line of responders following a disaster, it is important that they have a thorough understanding of children's responses to trauma and disaster and of recommended practices for screening and intervention. In collaboration with mental health professionals, the needs of children and families can be addressed. Policy-makers and systems of care hold great responsibility for resource allocation, and also are well-placed to understand the impact of trauma and disaster on children and children's unique needs in such situations.

The most effective means of defending against biological or chemical warfare, whether in war or as a result of terror, is the use of primary prevention. The main goal of such a prevention program is to minimize the human loss by reducing the number of casualties (fatalities, physical wounds, and psychological injury). A secondary objective is to prevent the widespread sense of helplessness in the general population. These two aims complement each other. The more the public is active in defending itself, rather than viewing itself as helpless, the lesser the expected number of casualties of any kind. In order to achieve these two goals, educating the civilian population about risk factors and pointing out appropriate defensive strategies is critical. In the absence of an effective prevention program and active participation by the public, there is a high risk for massive numbers of physical and psychological casualties.

An essential ingredient of any preventive program, which ultimately may determine the success or failure of all other protective actions, is early, gradual dissemination of information and guidance to the public, so that citizens can become active participants in the program. The public needs to be given information concerning the nature of the threat and effective methods of coping with it, should an unconventional attack occur. Lack of such adaptive behavior (such as wearing protective gear) is likely to bring about vast numbers of physical and psychological casualties. These large numbers may burden the medical, political, and public safety systems beyond their ability to manage. Failure to provide reasonable prevention and effective interventions can lead to a destruction of the social and emotional fabric of individuals and the society. Furthermore, inadequate preparation, education, and communication can result in the development of damaging mistrust of the political and military leadership, disintegration of social and political structures, and perhaps, even risk the collapse of the democracy.

Traumatic stress stems from a threat to an individual's or a group's very existence. The impact of the existential threat may be compounded by an inability to cope, which affects the perception of helplessness and loss of lawfulness. A model is proposed in which the traumatic process is conceptualized to develop through three stages: (1) alert; (2) impact; and (3) post-trauma. In this model, treatment of traumatic stress emphasizes the need to control and expand life, and to achieve lawfulness and meaningfulness. In the proposed model of treatment, there are essential differences at each of the stages of the traumatic process: (1) primary prevention at the stage of alert focuses on planning strategies for coping; (2) secondary prevention at the stage of impact is based on forward treatment and debriefing; and (3) tertiary treatment at the post-trauma stage attends to coping with internal chaos and arbitrariness.

Despite limited resources, emergency medical settings will be called upon to play many roles in the context of disasters and terrorist attacks that are related to preparedness, surveillance, mental health services delivery, and staff care. Such settings are a central capture site for those individuals likely to be at highest risk for developing mental health and functional problems. Because much of the potential harm to survivors of disaster or terrorism (and their families) will be related to their mental health and role functioning, preparedness requires the active integration of behavioral health into emergency medicine in every component of disaster response. There are many challenges of doing this including: (1) finding ways to integrate activities of the medical care, emergency response, and public health systems; (2) determining whether an incident has actually occurred; (3) making differential diagnoses and managing other aspects of initial medical needs; and (4) coping with the risks associated with system overload and failure. Delivery of direct mental health care must include: (1) survivor and family education; (2) identification and referral of those requiring immediate care and followup; (3) group education and support services; and (4) individual counseling. In order for effective response to occur, the integration of psychosocial care into disaster response must occur prior to the disaster itself, and will depend on effective collaboration between medical and mental health care providers. At workplaces, emergency medical care centers must ensure that staff and their families are properly trained and supported with regard to their disaster functions and encouraged to develop personal/family disaster plans.

The mental health effects of disaster and terrorism have moved to the forefront in the recent past following the events of 11 September 2001 in the United States. Although there has been a protracted history by mental health researchers and practitioners to study, understand, prevent, and treat mental health problems arising as a result of disasters and terrorism, there still is much to learn about the effects and treatment of trauma. Continued communication among disaster workers, first-response medical personnel, and mental health professionals is part of this process. This paper outlines current knowledge regarding the psychological effects of trauma and best cognitive-behavioral practices used to treat trauma reactions. More specifically, the information presented is a summary of Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy (CBT) interventions that are relevant for responding to and dealing with the aftermath of disasters.

Nearly everyone will experience emotional and psychological distress in the immediate aftermath of a disaster or other large-scale traumatic event. Although extremely upsetting and disruptive, the reaction is understood best as a human response to inordinate adversity, which in the majority of cases remits over time without formal intervention. Nevertheless, some people experience sustained difficulties. To prevent chronic post-traumatic difficulties, mental health professionals provide early interventions soon after traumatic exposure. These interventions typically take the form of single-session debriefings, which have been applied routinely following disasters. The research bearing on these traditional forms of early crisis interventions has shown that, although well-received by victims, there is no empirical support for their continued use. However, promising evidence-based, early interventions have been developed, which are highlighted. Finally, traumatic bereavement and complicated grief in survivors of disasters, an area largely neglected in the field, is discussed.

Disaster and trauma workers often disregard their own reactions and needs when focusing on caring for those directly exposed to traumatic events. This article discusses the concept of vicarious traumatization, a form of post-traumatic stress response sometimes experienced by those who indirectly are exposed to traumatic events. It includes an examination of how vicarious trauma reactions are experienced across different professions, and suggestions on how to limit or prevent vicarious traumatization. The authors review self-care strategies as well as training and organizational considerations that may be beneficial for individuals and organizations to address.

This paper describes a unique situation in which disaster intervention following a massive earthquake led to significant, uninterrupted, psychosocial benefits to the entire country, and an intervention program that continues to evolve. The mental health program initially provided service to the victims, and then, training to local professionals during which personnel simultaneously conducted clinical research. Members of the mental health team made a life-long commitment to the country, and continue their activities to expand its impact on public health policy. The difficult history and life circumstances of the Armenian people provided the opportunity for disaster interventions to have extensive psychosocial benefits.

This paper describes the establishment and activities of the Information and Support Centres developed in Norway in the aftermath of large-scale accidents and disasters between 1980 and 1990. The function of these Centres is to provide rapid, authoritative information and psychosocial support services for the next-of-kin of disaster victims, including the families of those missing. By gathering together those affected by a particular event, the Centres provide a setting in which individuals and families can support each other. The activities of the psychosocial team include triage for mental-health emergencies, orienting survivors to immediately available local services, communication with family, friends, and community, and other forms of psychological first aid. The psychosocial team also provides linkages to local health, clergy, and other local resources that are near to the family's home and could provide continued care if necessary.

The majority of refugees and communities exposed to warfare and oppression live in low-income countries with few resources or special skills. Yet, epidemiological studies have identified high levels of traumatic stress reactions in such populations. These stress reactions can be intensified by harsh policies aimed at deterring survivors from seeking refuge in technologically advanced societies. The scale of the problem of mass violence and displacement creates formidable challenges for mental health professionals in their efforts to develop practical frameworks for responding to the extensive needs of displaced persons. In this article, a model is proposed for low-income, post-conflict countries, based on a two-tiered formulation. At the eco-social level, mental health professionals can play a supportive, but not a lead, role in facilitating recovery of core adaptive systems that hasten natural recovery from stress for the majority of the population. Where small-scale, community mental health services are established, the emphasis should be on assisting persons and their families who are at greatest survival and adaptive risk. Training and promotion of local workers to assume leadership in such programs are essential. In technologically advanced societies in which refugees are in a minority, torture and trauma services can focus more specifically on traumatic stress reactions, acculturation, and resettlement. In a historical epoch in which displaced persons are facing particularly harsh treatment, there is a pressing need for consensus amongst mental health professionals in advocating for their needs.

This paper describes a short, ethnographic study approach for understanding how people from non-Western cultures think about mental health and mental health problems, and the rationale for using such an approach in designing and implementing mental health interventions during and after disasters. It describes how the resulting data can contribute to interventions that are more acceptable to local people, and therefore, more effective and sustainable through improved community support.