The remarkable rescue of Shackleton's men from Elephant Island, after the sinking of Endurance, and from Ross Island, has been recounted many times by both participants and historians. There has been little critical examination of the part played by governments, nor assessment of some of Shackleton's own actions. In this paper we explore more fully from official British archival sources the extent to which the British Government was prepared to underwrite the rescue efforts; the importance of the plea made by Emily Shackleton directly to the Prime Minister; the role and actions of the Relief Advisory Committee (especially in respect of limiting Shackleton's actions); the significance of the media rights to the debt-laden expedition, and how such preoccupation could have influenced Shackleton's endeavour to rescue his marooned parties.

Insurance is an important component of shipping costs, albeit minor when compared to capital, crew or fuel. If the literature of Arctic shipping agrees that insurance premiums are likely to be higher for Arctic shipping, no study so far has tried to assess the cost of Arctic shipping insurance premiums, nor what specific demands insurance firms might formulate before agreeing to give coverage to a shipping company, thus presenting obstacles to entry in the Arctic shipping market. We first present insurance policies and costs as they are discussed in the literature on Arctic shipping. We also sketch out how their risk-assessment process was influenced by the IMO (International Maritime Organization) and classification societies. Then we outline the results of a survey conducted between 2012 and 2013 with insurance firms on their Arctic shipping policies.

In recent decades, the mining industry has expanded globally especially in the Arctic and sub-Arctic regions. Mines often boost rural economies, but may have also negative impacts on environment and local livelihoods, such as tourism and reindeer herding. That is why acceptability and undeniable right to operate – the social licence (SL) to mine has become more and more important in mining related discussions. We examine empirically issues relating to SL in two mining projects in Finnish Lapland, Hannukainen in Kolari and Suurikuusikko in Kittilä. The main results emphasise the importance of transparency in mining operations and the continuity of communications with local stakeholders in building and maintaining the SL to mine. If the transparency of operations is lacking and issues come to publicity only via the media, this may affect the public image of a company and finally challenge its SL to operate and, in the long term, potentially effect the financing decisions of mining investors. We show that acquiring and keeping up a SL links not only to the developments in the actual mining site, but is also connected to processes taking place in other localities. These connections may emerge in various scales; between various local communities, mining companies and global financing principles, for instance. We use and propose ‘multi-sited ethnography’ as a method to describe and better understand complex linkages which may effect the SL to mine.

In 1968, the British/Swedish architect Ralph Erskine published an article ‘Architecture and town planning in the north’ in this journal, in which he called for a particular Arctic approach to the design of buildings and cities that is distinct from mainstream architecture due to conditions such as harsh climate, resident indigenous or sparse population and remoteness. One hundred years after his birth (in 1914), Erskine is still considered the authoritative ‘Arctic architect’, and his approach is paradigmatic among many architects dealing with the built environment in the Arctic, sub-Arctic and northern regions.

However, a study of the literature on architectural practice and the built environment in the north reveals a number of varying conceptions of Arctic architecture. These different perspectives are social in nature and construct the architectural technologies, the natural environment and society in different configurations. This article finds that architectural discourses and readings of the Arctic change under the influence of social, cultural, political and architectural paradigms. The perspectives identified in the article are seen to be critical supplements to Erskine's utopian approach to developing new sustainable forms of urbanism and architecture in the Arctic. They also reveal that new conceptions do not necessarily replace previous ones but often overlap and place earlier ideas into fresh concepts and that certain conceptions appear to perpetuate over the decades, such as the Arctic as an ‘empty space’. The thinking on Arctic futures is, in many ways, trapped in certain modernist and utopian modes, and this article contributes to widening the range of possible relationships between people and the Arctic environment, using architecture as an aperture.

Medical factors including tuberculosis, scurvy, lead poisoning and botulism have been proposed to explain the high death rate prior to desertion of the ships on Sir John Franklin's expedition of 1845–1848 but their role remains unclear because the surgeons’ Sick books which recorded illness on board have eluded discovery. In their absence, this study examines the Sick books of Royal Naval search squadrons sent in search of Franklin, and which encountered similar conditions to his ships, to consider whether their morbidity and mortality might reflect that of the missing expedition. The Sick books of HMS Assistance, Enterprise, Intrepid, Investigator, Pioneer and Resolute yielded 1,480 cases that were coded for statistical analysis. On the basis of the squadrons’ patterns of illness it was concluded that Franklin's crews would have suffered common respiratory and gastro-intestinal disorders, injuries and exposure and that deaths might have occurred from respiratory, cardiovascular and tubercular conditions. Scurvy occurred commonly and it was shown that the method of preparing ‘antiscorbutic’ lemon juice for the search squadrons and Franklin's ships would have reduced its capacity to prevent the disease but there were no grounds to conclude that scurvy was significant at the time of deserting the ships. There was no clear evidence of lead poisoning despite the relatively high level of lead exposure that was inevitable on ships at that time. There was no significant difference between the deaths of non-officer ranks on Franklin's ships and several of the search ships. The greater number of deaths of Franklin's officers was proposed to be more probably a result of non-medical factors such as accidents and injuries sustained while hunting and during exploration.

Cryoconite holes have ecological and biotechnological importance. This article presents results on culturable cryophilic yeasts and filamentous fungi isolated from cryoconite holes at Austre and Vestre Brøggerbreen glaciers, Svalbard. Based on DNA sequence data, these were identified as Rhodotorula sp., Thelebolus sp., and Articulospora tetracladia. Amongst these, Articulospora tetracladia (88.7–89.4% gene similarity with 5.8S rDNA) is a novel species, yet to be described. Filamentous fungus Articulospora sp. Cry-FB1 and Cry-FB2, expressed high amylase, cellulase, lipase and protease activities while yeast Rhodotorula sp. Cry-FB3 showed high amylase and cellulase activity. Thelebolus sp. Cry-YB 240 and Cry-YB 241 showed protease and urease activities. The effects of temperature, and salt on the growth of the cultures were studied. Optimum temperature of growth was on 10ºC at pH 7.0. Filamentous fungi and yeast in the cryoconite holes possibly drive the process of organic macromolecule degradation through cold-adapted enzyme secretion, thereby assisting in nutrient cycling in these supraglacial environments. Further, these cryophilic fungi, due to their enzyme producing ability, may provide an opportunity for biotechnological research in the Arctic.

Pollen- and non-pollen-palynomorphs (NPP) analytical studies of the northwestern part of Spitsbergen were conducted between 1988 and 1991. As well as pollen from local native flora and more dispersed species, some well preserved remains of tardigrada exuvia, buccal tubes and eggs were found. This study reviewed the remains of at least six tardigrade taxa reported: Dactylobiotus ambiguous, Paramacrobiotus richtersi group, Richtersius coronifer, Macrobiotus hufelandi group, Macrobiotus peterseni and Minibiotus cf. intermedius, which are reassessed and determined more accurately. These findings provide some new insights into the past environmental conditions and changes for Spitsbergen. Based on the present research it can be concluded that tardigrade remains are frequent NPP elements of pollen analyses from lake, peat bogs and detritus sub-fossil sediment cores, at least in polar regions. It can also be stated that tardigrades can be considered indicators in further palaeontological studies helping to reconstruct past environmental conditions (for example humidity) for some regions. However, the knowledge of tardigrades in these types of analyses is still rather poor.

In 1931, the Hudson's Bay Company cargo steamer, SS Baychimo, was trapped in sea ice and abandoned in the Chukchi Sea off the northern coast of Alaska. Large amounts of scientific and navigational instruments and gear and personal items were left aboard, among them an ethnographic collection gathered in 1930 from Inuit groups in the Canadian Arctic by Richard Sterling Finnie. The ship was boarded several times over the next three years with items being salvaged by locals from nearby Wainwright and Barrow. In 1933, crew and passengers from MS Trader, a small trading vessel from Nome, boarded the abandoned ship and recovered several of Finnie's ethnological specimens. In 1934, Peter Palsson, crewmember of Trader, gave several ethnological specimens to members of the United States Department of the Interior-Alaska College Archaeological Expedition. That year, the Baychimo collection was accessioned to the nascent University of Alaska Museum (now, the University of Alaska Museum of the North). For over 80 years, the collection's relationships with Finnie, the Baychimo, and Palsson remained obscure, and its historical significance has just been rediscovered. This paper describes the collection and the path it took from the Baychimo to the University of Alaska Museum.

Since the Admiralty's instructions to Captain Sir John Franklin for his attempt at a transit of the northwest passage in HMS Erebus and Terror in 1845 specified that he should proceed to Cape Walker at the northeastern tip of Russell Island, and head southwest from there to the waterways already explored along the mainland coast of North America, as far as ice conditions and any intervening land permitted, it was natural that the first search expedition to come within striking distance of Cape Walker, should make this one of the starting points of its detailed search. This was the squadron of Captain Horatio Austin that wintered off the northeast coast of Griffith Island in 1850–1851. Following his orders, in the spring of 1851 Captain Erasmus Ommanney of HMS Assistance set off with an impressive cavalcade of seven man-hauled sledges, most of them support sledges. From Cape Walker Lt. William Browne searched the east coast of Prince of Wales Island, that is the western shores of Peel Sound while Ommanney himself and Lt. Sherard Osborn searched the west coast of Prince of Wales Island, that is the east shore of McClintock Channel. No traces of Franklin's expedition were found. Their conclusions were that both McClintock Channel and Peel Sound were permanently blocked with ice, and that Franklin's ships could not have travelled south by either route. While the conclusion as regards McClintock Channel was absolutely correct, that with regard to Peel Sound was incorrect. This must have been the route whereby Erebus and Terror had reached the vicinity of King William Island, and the conclusion that Peel Sound never cleared of ice was very unfortunate in that the next search expedition dispatched by the Admiralty, that of Captain Sir Edward Belcher in 1852–1854 made no attempt to penetrate south, when it is possible that Peel Sound was clear of ice.