¹ See Brubaker, Rogers, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bianchini, Stefano, ed., Self-Determination and Sovereignty in Europe: From Historical Legacies to the EU External Role (Ravenna, Italy: Longo, 2013)Google Scholar; Wimmer, Andreas, Waves of War: Nationalism, State Formation, and Ethnic Exclusion in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013)Google Scholar; and Núñez Seixas, Xosé M., ed., The First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe: Global Impact and Local Dynamics (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2021)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the contribution of Woodrow Wilson to the self-determination question, see Heater, Derek, National Self-Determination: Woodrow Wilson and His Legacy (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1994).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

² Examples of this political mobilization are the limited autonomy achieved in the Mancomunitat de Catalunya (1913), the statute of autonomy for Ireland (1914-1915), and the proclamation of independence by the Raad van Vlaanderen, or Council of Flanders (1917). See Albert Balcells, Enric Pujol, and Jordi Sabater, La Mancomunitat de Catalunya i l’autonomia (Barcelona: Proa / IEC, 2006); Déniel, Alain, Le Mouvement Bréton, 1919-1945 (Paris: François Maspero, 1976)Google Scholar; Morgan, Kenneth O., Rebirth of a Nation: Wales, 1880-1980 (New York: Oxford University Press and University of Wales Press, 1981)Google Scholar; Núñez Seixas, Xosé M., “Catalonia and the ‘War of Nations’: Catalan Nationalism and the First World War,” Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 3 (Aug. 2018), Google Scholar; and for Europe in general, Prott, Volker, The Politics of Self-Determination: Remaking Territories and National Identities in Europe, 1917-1923 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Para-university seminars, along with laboratories and institutes, have been considered as evidence of the transformation of the university system in German-speaking countries in the 1830s. See Walter Rüegg, “Chapter 1: Themes,” in A History of the University in Europe, vol. 3, Universities in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, ed. Walter Rüegg (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 3-32. See also van Rossum, Wouter, The Organization and Financing of (Para)-University Research in Western Europe: A Comparative View (The Hague: Netherlands Government Document, 1979).Google Scholar

⁴ In the 1990s, there were twenty-two para-university institutes in the Netherlands, often located on university campuses, and administered by either the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research or the Royal Dutch Academy of Science. See Omta, S. W. F., Critical Success Factors in Biomedical Research and Pharmaceutical Innovation (Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ Isa Vincenzi-Gang, “Parauniversity Education: Its Role in Higher Education in Costa Rica” (PhD diss., Florida State University, 1992), 3. For para-university research in Western Europe, see van Rossum, The Organization and Financing of (Para)-University Research in Western Europe.

⁶ In “Parauniversity Education,” viii, Vincenzi-Gang holds that a good number of para-universities, “loosely modeled on the American community college,” were established in Costa Rica in the 1970s “in response to community demand for increased access to higher education.”

⁷ Marúm, Elia, Molina, Vicente X., Aguilar, Alejandro, “Las empresas parauniversitarias de la Universidad de Guadalajara. Alternativa de financiamiento y de desarrollo institucional,” Gestión y estrategia, nos. 11-12 (Dec. 1997), .Google Scholar

⁸ A stateless nation refers to a cultural, linguistic, or ethnic group that shares a distinct national identity and aspires to have self-governance but does not have a recognized sovereign state. An example of a stateless nation is the Kurds, an ethnic group spread across several countries.

⁹ Here I employ the term “nationalitarian” in the sense given by the Egyptian historian Anouar Abdel-Malek, who understands it as a “process of autonomous growth, a true and profound assumption of identity bearing no comparison with the early struggles to achieve sovereignty or sort out petty grievances,” a process that has much to do with self-affirmation rather than the exclusion of others or with imperialist aspirations. See Abdel-Malek, Anouar, Egypte, société militaire (Paris: Seuil, 1962), .Google Scholar

¹⁰ For the early history of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, see Balcells, Albert, Pujol, Enric, and Izquierdo, Santiago, Historia de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Volum I. 1907-1942 (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 2002)Google Scholar; and Miralles, Carles, “El Institut d’Estudis Catalans,” Arbor 163, no. 641 (1999), 47–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹¹ The Irmandades da Fala in Galicia, Spain, is another para-university institution that had success with mobilization. See Uxío-Breogán Diéguez, As Irmandades da Fala (1916-1931) (Compostela, Spain: Edicións Laiovento, 2016); R. Villares, X. M. Núñez Seixas, and R. Máiz Suárez, eds., As Irmandades da Fala no seu tempo: perspectivas cruzadas (Santiago de Compostela, Spain: Consello da Cultura Galega, 2021). For a work on the parallels between these sociopolitical mobilization movements in Galicia and Ireland, see Josep Leerssen, “Cultural Mobility and Political Mobilization: Transnational Dynamics, National Action,” in Núñez Seixas, First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe, 38-43. A counterpoint to the Irmandades da Fala (an institution inspired by nationalism) was the Instituto de Estudios Gallegos, a regionalist cultural institution established in 1918, whose objective was to promote science and regional studies rather than demand political autonomy.

¹² The literature on the early history of Eusko Ikaskuntza, or the Basque Studies Society, is abundant and mature. The main sources consulted for this article are Juan I. Aguirre Sorondo, “Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1918-2018,” in Eusko Ikaskuntza 100 urte. Euskaldunon Mendea / El Siglo Vasco. 100 Años de Eusko Ikaskuntza (Donostia, Spain: Eusko Ikaskuntza, 2018), 9–123, 328–71; Itziar Alkorta, “La universidad vasca,” in Eusko Ikaskuntza 100 urte, 373–87; Idoia Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca (San Sebastián, Spain: Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, 1983); Idoia Estornés, “Euskadi y la universidad: El caso de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos (1918-1931),” in Actas del III Congreso de la Sociedad Española de Historia de las Ciencias: San Sebastián, 1 al 6 de octubre de 1984, ed. Javier Echeverría and Marisol de Mora (San Sebastián, Spain: Editorial Guipuzcoana, 1986), 2: 87–92; Idoia Estornés, “Génesis del Estatuto General de Estado Vasco de Eusko-Ikaskuntza,” Cuadernos de Sección. Derecho (Eusko Ikaskuntza), 4 (1989), 87–104; Idoia Estornés, La construcción de una nacionalidad vasca. El autonomismo de Eusko-lkaskuntza (1918-1931) (San Sebastián: Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1990); Gregorio Monreal, “El Primer Estatuto Vasco o Vasco-Navarro. Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1931,” in Eusko Ikaskuntza 100 urte, 387–99; Manuel Montero, La forja de una nación: estudios sobre el nacionalismo y el País Vasco durante la II República, la transición y la democracia (Granada, Spain: Universidad de Granada, 2011), 1–22; and José Luis de Orella, “La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos y la Universidad Vasca (1917-1936),” Azpilcueta: Cuadernos de Derecho 4 (1989), 9–86.

¹³ For an overview of nationalist historiographies, see Sisinio Pérez Garzón, Juan, “Evolución y rasgos de las historiografías de los nacionalismos en España,” Bulletin d’Histoire Contemporaine de l’Espagne 52 (2017), 97–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁴ de Riquer, Borja, “La débil nacionalización española del siglo XIX,” Historia Social 20 (Autumn 1994), 97–114.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Álvarez Junco, José et al., Las historias de España. Visiones del pasado y construcción de identidad (Madrid-Barcelona: Marcial Pons-Crítica, 2013)Google Scholar; Álvarez Junco, José, Mater dolorosa. La idea de España en el siglo XIX (Madrid: Taurus, 2001).Google Scholar

¹⁶ Vincenzi-Gang, “Parauniversity Education”; Marúm, Molina, and Aguilar, “Las empresas parauniversitarias de la Universidad de Guadalajara.”

¹⁷ Normally all public universities in Europe were referenced by their geographic district. On European higher education’s institutionalization, see, among others, Anderson, Robert D., European Universities from the Enlightenment to 1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Claudia A. Zonta, “The History of European Universities: Overview and Background,” in The Heritage of European Universities, ed. Nuria Sanz and Sjur Bergan (Strasbourg, France: Council of Europe Publishing, 2006), 27–40; Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, ed., A History of the University in Europe, vol. 2, Universities in Early Modern Europe (1500-1800) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jeroen Huisman and Frans van Vught, “Diversity in European Higher Education: Historical Trends and Current Policies,” in Mapping the Higher Education Landscape: Higher Education Dynamics, ed. Frans van Vught (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer, 2009), 17–38.

¹⁸ See van Rossum, The Organization and Financing of (Para)-University Research in Western Europe; Vincenzi-Gang “Parauniversity Education,”; and Marúm, Molina, and Aguilar, “Las empresas parauniversitarias de la Universidad de Guadalajara.”

¹⁹ On the negative consequences of the rise of para-university systems for the development of social sciences in Latin America, see Alfredo Andrade, “Trayectoria de las ciencias sociales en América Latina,” Revista mexicana de ciencias políticas y sociales 36, no. 139–42 (1990), 89–105. Vincenzi-Gang concludes that Costa Rica’s para-university system did not materialize successfully because para-universities neither coordinated messaging with the universities nor offered programs that met community demand. See Vincenzi-Gang, “Parauniversity Education,” viii.

²⁰ For the legitimation of Basque studies as a subject of academic inquiry during the decade preceding the BSS’s founding, 1907-1917, see Aitor Anduaga, “Les études basques comme sujet d’enquête. Les traditions locale et externe et la production de connaissances,” Historiographia Linguistica 49, no 1 (Dec. 2023), 39–70; Aitor Anduaga, “Forging a ‘Civil Discourse’: Basque Studies, Ideology, and Science in the Standardisation of the Basque Language, 1900-1936,” Language Problems and Language Planning, Oct. 3, 2023, https://doi.org/10.1075/lplp.22022.and.

²¹ Xosé M. Núñez Seixas, “Wilson’s Unexpected Friends: On the Transnational Impact of the First World War on Western European Nationalist Movements,” in Núñez Seixas, First World War and the Nationality Question in Europe, 37–60.

²² On direct transnationalism or chain-reaction nationalisms (or the process whereby a national movement in one place provokes a similar movement in another place), see Leerssen, “Cultural Mobility and Political Mobilization.”

²³ Borja de Riquer, “El proyecto de una España grande y regional de Francesc Cambó,” in Villares, Núñez Seixas, and Máiz Suárez, As Irmandades da Fala no seu tempo, 249–72.

²⁴ Estornés, La construcción de una nacionalidad vasca, 92–113, 134–43.

²⁵ As regards Cambó and Puig’s visit to Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, see Estornés, La construcción de una nacionalidad vasca, 94–6.

²⁶ The talk was reproduced in the daily Euzkadi, January 28, 1917, 8. The importance of Puig’s talk as an influential event in the institutionalization of Basque language and culture has been discussed by Urrutia, Andrés, “Sota, Puig i Cadafalch y la Institucionalización del euskera (1917),” Hermes 55 (May 2017), 52–61.Google Scholar

²⁷ Euzkadi, January 28, 1917, 8. Organized by the nationalist association Juventud Vasca, “the ideas that would later bear fruit in the Basque Country in the establishment” of the BSS (1918) and the Academy of the Basque Language-Euskaltzaindia (1919) were present in the talk. See Urrutia, “Sota, Puig i Cadafalch y la Institucionalización del euskera (1917),” 57.

²⁸ José María López Sánchez, Heterodoxos españoles: el Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1910-1936 (Madrid: Marcial Pons-CSIC, 2006).

²⁹ Pérez Garzón, “Evolución y rasgos de las historiografías de los nacionalismos en España,” 100–101.

³⁰ Pizkunde refers to a social movement that organized festivals and cultural events in Basque towns to promote the literary genre in Basque and the dissemination of the works of Basque authors. Basque political nationalism autonomously emerged from the cultural or literary Pizkunde. Historians have traditionally linked this movement to the reaction caused by the abolition of Basque fueros, or customary laws, in 1876. However, its concept and chronology have recently been questioned by Xabier Zabaltza, in “Pizkunde: los «renacimientos» de la lengua vasca,” Scripta: Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 11 (2018), 86–107. Zabaltza distinguishes between two different revivals: a cultural revival in Continental Vasconia (starting in 1851) and a political revival in Peninsular Vasconia, which in turn includes a fuerist pizkunde (starting in 1876) and a nationalist pizkunde (starting in 1896).

³¹ Paulí Dávila and Ana Eizaguirre, “Las Fiestas Euskaras en el País Vasco (1879-1936),” in Lengua, escuela y cultura. El proceso de alfabetización en Euskal Herria (siglos XIX y XX), ed. Paulí Dávila (Bilbao, Spain: Universidad del País Vasco, 1995), 257–311. On the essentialist conception of Basque culture held by the members of Eskualzaleen Biltzarra, see Jean Goyhenetche, “Les origines sociales et historiques de l’association Eskualzaleen Biltzarra (1893-1913),” Bulletin du Musée Basque 135 (1993), 1–68.

³² Javier Díaz Noci, Historia del periodismo vasco (1600-2010) (San Sebastián: Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, 2012), 143–46.

³³ Anduaga, “Les études basques comme sujet d’enquête.”

³⁴ For the history of RIEV during its early period (1907-1936), see Monreal, Gregorio, “Una historia de la Revista Internacional de los Estudios Vascos / Nazioarteko Eusko Ikaskuntzen Aldizkaria / Revue Internationale des Etudes Basques [RIEV] (1907-2000),” Revista Internacional de los Estudios Vascos 46, no. 1 (2001), .Google Scholar

³⁵ These two traditions were first identified by Julio de Urquijo, “Estado actual de los estudios relativos a la lengua vasca,” in Primer Congreso de Estudios Vascos (Bilbao, Spain: Bilbaína de Artes Gráficas Juan J. Rochelt, 1919), 403–27; 418–19, and later highlighted by other scholars, including Luis Michelena, “Don Julio de Urquijo y los Estudios Vascos,” in Homenaje a la Memoria de D. Julio de Urquijo e Ibarra al cumplirse el centenario de su nacimiento, celebrado en Bilbao el día 12 de Mayo de 1972 (Bilbao, Spain: Publicaciones de la Junta de Cultura de Vizcaya, 1973), 9–21. For further details, see Anduaga, “Les études basques comme sujet d’enquête,” 42–57.

³⁶ Urquijo, “Estado actual de los estudios relativos a la lengua vasca,” 419.

³⁷ For an extensive review of RIEV contributions to Basque linguistics and philology, see Ricardo Cierbide, “Consideraciones a los trabajos de lingüística en la RIEV (1907-2007),” El esfuerzo de tres épocas. Centenario de la RIEV 1907-2007, ed. Javier Retegui et al. (Donostia, Spain: Eusko Ikaskuntza, 2007), 29–47; 33–45. See also Monreal, “Una historia de la Revista Internacional de los Estudios Vascos,” 18–23.

³⁸ See, e.g., “Revue Internationale des Études Basques,” Literarisches Zentralblatt fűr Deutschland 58 (1907), 651.

³⁹ The German linguist Bernhard Schädel acknowledged that the importance of its published works and the authority of its collaborators rendered RIEV “the indispensable assistant for anyone who wishes to study the Basque domain.” See Schädel, Bulletin de dialectologie romane (Brussels: Société internationale de dialectologie romane, 1914), 4–6, 20. The quote is on p. 20.

⁴⁰ Anduaga, “Les études basques comme sujet d’enquête,” 57–61.

⁴¹ Carlists were the supporters of Don Carlos, brother of Fernando VII (died 1833), as having rightful title to the Spanish throne.

⁴² On the apolitical, non-confessional, and reformist nature of the BSS, see Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 20. See also Aguirre Sorondo, “Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1918-2018,” 335–36.

⁴³ Here I employ the term “nationalitarian” in the sense given by the Egyptian historian Anouar Abdel-Malek, who understands it as a “process of autonomous growth, a true and profound assumption of identity bearing no comparison with the early struggles to achieve sovereignty or sort out petty grievances,” a process that has much to do with self-affirmation rather than the exclusion of others or with imperialist aspirations. See Abdel-Malek, Anouar, Egypte, société militaire (Paris: Seuil, 1962), .Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Balcells, Pujol, and Izquierdo, Historia de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Volum I; Miralles, “El Institut d’Estudis Catalans”; Diéguez, As Irmandades da Fala; and Villares, Núñez Seixas, and Máiz Suárez, As Irmandades da Fala no seu tempo.

⁴⁵ The only exception was two private universities in Oñati and Iratxe, which with difficulty survived until the nineteenth century, with incomplete curricula and a limited number of students. On the historical antecedents of the Basque university, see Estornés, José, Los vascos y la universidad. Vol. II (San Sebastián, Spain: Editorial Auñamendi, 1970), 171–212Google Scholar; Orella, “La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos y la Universidad Vasca (1917-1936),” 11–16; Alkorta, “La universidad vasca,” 373–76.

⁴⁶ Alkorta, “La universidad vasca,” 374.

⁴⁷ Orella, “La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos y la Universidad Vasca (1917-1936),” 16–42; Alkorta, “La universidad vasca,” 376–77.

⁴⁸ Ángel Apraiz, Universidad Vasca (Conferencia) (Bilbao, Spain: Bilbaína de Artes Gráficas, 1919).

⁴⁹ According to Apraiz’s estimates, the Basque Country exported more than a thousand students a year to universities in Madrid, Zaragoza, Valladolid, and Salamanca, which meant spending one million pesetas per academic year. Apraiz, Universidad Vasca (Conferencia), 16.

⁵⁰ For example, the anthropologist and archaeologist Enrique de Eguren made a staunch defense of a Basque university with an autonomous regime, in Régimen autónomo económico-administrativo de la Universidad Vasca (San Sebastián, Spain: Editorial y Prensa S.A., 1921). Similarly, Agustín Murua, a chemist and professor at the University of Barcelona, pointed out the importance of the Basque university to enhancing the personality and industry of the Basque people. According to Murua, the Spanish government behaved like “that famous dog in the manger which neither ate cabbages nor let others eat them, since it neither established universities in the richest and most needed regions nor did it grant the necessary autonomy so that [the latter can] establish them.” See Murua, “La Universidad Vasca … como organismo necesario para nuestra personalidad regional y para el sólido fundamento de nuestra industria,” Idearium (Bilbao, Spain) 2 (1917), 5–17, 63–66. The quote is on p. 13.

⁵¹ “Conclusiones,” in Primer Congreso de Estudios Vascos (Bilbao, Spain: Bilbaína de Artes Gráficas, 1919), 940–47. The quote is on p. 947.

⁵² The Basque-Navarrese university plan of 1866 included the establishment of the Faculties of Law, Medicine, Pharmacy, Sciences, Philosophy and Letters. For further details, see Idoate, Florencio, “Un intento frustrado de universidad vasco-navarra en 1866,” Letras de Deusto 1 (1971), Google Scholar.

⁵³ Gregorio Monreal, “Pasado y presente de la institución universitaria,” in La UPV/EHU a debate, ed. Lontxohiartzabal (Donostia, Spain: Erein, 1998), 13–53. The quote is on p. 24.

⁵⁴ This position was defended by Basque nationalist sympathizers, such as Eduardo de Landeta and the Count of Vilallonga. See Eduardo de Landeta to Julián Elorza, September 24, 1923, folder 2, box 12, Basque Studies Society Historical Archive, Donostia-San Sebastián, Basque Country (hereafter BSSA).

⁵⁵ The autonomous model included a project for the organization of a Faculty of Philosophy and Letters in the Basque university; for the draft proposal of this project, see “Universidad vasca: Proyecto de organización de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras,” folder 13, box 34, BSSA.

⁵⁶ On the different university models advocated by BSS commission members, see “Relación de componentes del Comité de realización de la Universidad vasca,” n.d., folder 116, box 34, BSSA; “Carta de la Comisión ejecutiva en torno a las facultades de la Universidad vasca,” Barcelona, March 13, 1922, folder 126, box 34, BSSA. For the details of this debate, see Estornés, “Euskadi y la universidad,” 89–90; and Alkorta, “La universidad vasca,” 377–78.

⁵⁷ The proposal was elaborated by the Count of Vilallonga, linked to the University of Deusto. Memorias y Bases para la resolución del problema universitario en el País Vasco (San Sebastián, Spain: Imprenta de la Diputación de Guipúzcoa, 1923), 5. See also “Bases para el Estatuto de la Universidad vasca por Enrique de Eguren,” folder 128, box 34, BSSA; “Bases para el Estatuto de la Universidad vasca por Juan Zaragüeta,” July 1923, folder 129, box 34, BSSA; and “Bases para el Estatuto de la Universidad vasca por Joaquín Fuentes,” Pamplona-Iruña, July, 1923, folder 159, box 34, BSSA.

⁵⁸ “Interview with Justo Somonte,” El Liberal, Nov. 21, 1923, 1.

⁵⁹ Count of Vilallonga to Julián Elorza, Bilbao, Nov. 26, 1923, folder 101, box 34, BSSA.

⁶⁰ Quoted in El Pueblo Vasco, Dec. 11, 1923, 3.

⁶¹ “Un emocionante discurso de Unamuno en el teatro Arriaga,” El Liberal, Jan. 2, 1924.

⁶² J. de Posse, “Orientación de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos. Ante el Congreso de Guernica,” La Gaceta del Norte, July 1922, 2.

⁶³ R. de J., “Pío Baroja y la Universidad Vasca,” Euzkadi, Dec. 16, 1923, 4.

⁶⁴ Santiago de Pablo and Coro Rubio, Eman ta zabal zazu. Historia de la UPV/EHU, 1980-2005 (Bilbao, Spain: Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, 2006), 31–35.

⁶⁵ José Horn to Ángel Apraiz, Nov. 1, 1919, folder 165, box 34, BSSA. In José Horn’s words: “The people of Valladolid, for their own benefit, put in their Statute that only by a law can a new University be created or a private one be given the status of an official University.”

⁶⁶ José Prado y Palacio to José Horn and Pedro Chalbaud, Aug. 7, 1919, folder 163, box 34, BSSA. The following anecdote, described in a letter written by Julián Elorza, illustrates well the animosity—if not aversion—of the Spanish minister toward the Basque language: during a visit made by the BSS’s president to request the authorization of a Basque language chair at the Ateneo (Athenaeum) of Vitoria, the minister denied it, arguing that “if Basque is spoken, there is no need to teach it, and if it is not spoken, the teaching would be useless.” When the BSS’s president answered that Spanish is spoken and “it is also taught,” the minister “brought up [the mantra of] nationalism.” See Julián Elorza to Ángel Apraiz, October 1919, folder 2 (428), box 8, BSSA.

⁶⁷ Enrique de Eguren to Ángel de Apraiz, Oviedo, Dec. 2, 1919, folder 72, box 34, BSSA.

⁶⁸ Royal Order of January 19, 1924, of the Ministry of Public Instruction. See “R. O. del Ministerio de Instrucción Publica y Bellas Artes. 19 Enero 1924,” Boletín de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos (First Quarter 1924), 25.

⁶⁹ Boletín de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos 21 (1924), 28–31. See also De Pablo and Rubio, Eman ta zabal zazu, 35–36.

⁷⁰ On the responses of the affected universities, the reactionary policy of Primo de Rivera and the university affair during the Second Republic, see Alkorta, “La universidad vasca,” 378–81, Orella, “La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos y la Universidad Vasca (1917-1936),” 22–62; Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 220–34.

⁷¹ For the BSS report on the creation of scientific research institutes, see “Informe relativo a la creación de Institutos de Investigación Científica,” folder 13, box 29.1, BSSA. See also Boletín de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos 55 (1932), 16–17.

⁷² In addition to organizing courses, conferences, and its own journal, CEC established a scientific-technical library and an industrial analysis and testing laboratory. See José Llombart, El “Centro de Estudios Científicos” de San Sebastián (Donostia, Spain: Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1995).

⁷³ De Pablo and Rubio, Eman ta zabal zazu, 59–82.

⁷⁴ While territoriality issues implied forms of appropriation, organization, and control of the different Basque territories through various strategies and instruments, legal diversity issues involved the reconciliation of different legal systems among these territories.

⁷⁵ Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 236. See also the contributions to the proceedings of the assembly edited by Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, Asamblea de la Administración Municipal Vasca. Recopilación de trabajos (San Sebastián, Spain: Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, 1920).

⁷⁶ Monreal, “El Primer Estatuto Vasco o Vasco-Navarro. Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1931,” 388–89.

⁷⁷ There is an extensive bibliography on the BSS and Basque autonomy during the Spanish Second Republic. For a list of sources, see José Luis de la Granja, Nacionalismo y II República en el País Vasco: Estatutos de autonomía, partidos y elecciones, historia de Acción Nacionalista Vasca, 1930-1936 (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno de España Editores, 2008), 144–45; Monreal, “El Primer Estatuto Vasco o Vasco-Navarro. Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1931,” 398–99. See also the monographic issue published by the Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, “La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos y el Estatuto de Estado Vasco de 1936 [1931],” Cuadernos de Sección. Derecho (Eusko Ikaskuntza) 4 (1989), 7–230.

⁷⁸ Estornés, “Génesis del Estatuto General de Estado Vasco de Eusko-Ikaskuntza,” 95–104; De la Granja, Nacionalismo y II República en el País Vasco, 146–48; Montero, La forja de una nación, 19–22; Monreal, “El Primer Estatuto Vasco o Vasco-Navarro. Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1931,” 389–95.

⁷⁹ Eusko Ikaskuntza / Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, Estatuto General del Estado Vasco: Anteproyecto de la Sociedad (San Sebastián, Spain: Imprenta de Ricardo de Leizaola, 1931), 5.

⁸⁰ Estornés, “Génesis,” 100-01; Monreal, “El Primer Estatuto Vasco o Vasco-Navarro. Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1931,” 394–95.

⁸¹ Fernando de Meer, La cuestión religiosa en las Cortes Constituyentes de la II República Española (Pamplona, Spain: Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 1975), 197–208; Monreal, “El Primer Estatuto Vasco o Vasco-Navarro. Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1931,” 395–97; Montero, La forja de una nación, 20–22.

⁸² Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 61.

⁸³ Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 38–40.

⁸⁴ For a thematic classification of BSS publications, see Memoria de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos, 1932-1934 (San Sebastián: Sociedad de Estudios Vascos). See also Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 95–97.

⁸⁵ For an overview of these early congresses, see Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 73–82; Aguirre Sorondo, “Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1918-2018,” 337.

⁸⁶ Ikaskuntza, Eusko, Cursos de metodología y alta cultura. Curso de Lingüística (San Sebastián, Spain: Eusko Ikaskuntza, 1921).Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 85–94.

⁸⁸ The thematic courses included, among others, medical and socio-health issues (Bilbao, 1931), traditional law (Pamplona, 1932) and the Eusko-Folklore Laboratory (Vitoria, 1933). For the BSS’s activities related to sciences and social and human sciences, see Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 103–88, 238–43.

⁸⁹ Monreal, “Una historia de la Revista Internacional de los Estudios Vascos,” 18–23; Cierbide, “Consideraciones a los trabajos de lingüística en la RIEV (1907-2007).”

⁹⁰ Jesús Altuna, introduction to Selected Writings of José Miguel de Barandiarán: Basque Prehistory and Ethnography, ed. Jesús Altuna (Reno, NV: University of Nevada, Center for Basque Studies, 2007), 15–56.

⁹¹ In addition to RIEV and the Anuario de la Sociedad de Eusko-Folklore, the BSS periodically published the Boletín de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos/Eusko Ikaskuntzaren Deia (quarterly, from 1919 to 1936) and Memoria de la Sociedad (biannually, from 1918 to 1934).

⁹² Boletín de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos 42 (1929), 6–7 and 47–48.

⁹³ The list includes, among others, the Universities of Columbia, Strasbourg, Hamburg, Cologne and Bonn, and renowned linguists such as C. C. Uhlenbeck, Norbert Tauer, and Rodney Gallop. Estornés, La Sociedad de Estudios Vascos Contribución de Eusko Ikaskuntza a la cultura vasca, 55–59.

⁹⁴ Anduaga, “Forging a ‘Civil Discourse.’”.

⁹⁵ For the early history of the process of standardization of the Basque language, see Goenaga, Patxi, “Real Academia de la Lengua Vasca/Euskaltzaindia: 80 años de trabajo por la normalización del vasco,” Arbor 163, no. 641 (1999), 82–83CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ignacio Hualde, José and Zuazo, Koldo, “The Standardization of the Basque Language,” Language Problems and Language Planning 31, no. 2 (2007), .Google Scholar

⁹⁶ The objectives were stated in a document, presented by the BSS to the provincial councils, requesting the establishment of the Academy. See Boletín de la Sociedad de Estudios Vascos 2 (1919), 11–12.

⁹⁷ Balcells, Pujol, and Izquierdo, Historia de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Volum I; Miralles, “El Institut d’Estudis Catalans,” 47–9; Villares, Núñez Seixas, and Máiz Suárez, As Irmandades da Fala no seu tempo.

⁹⁸ During the primorriverista regime, the BSS maintained only those activities that were inoffensive to the totalitarian regime. Moreover, the Provincial Council of Bizkaia, the one-time promoter of Basque studies that was now controlled by the Liga de Acción Monárquica (created as a counteragent to Basque nationalism), broke relations with the BSS. See Estornés, La construcción de una nacionalidad vasca, 173–203.

⁹⁹ Apraiz, Universidad Vasca (Conferencia), 5 and 6, respectively.