In his 1972 essay “The social function of the past: some questions” (Past and Present 55 [1], 3-17), historian Eric Hobsbawm wrote, “For the greater part of history we deal with societies and communities for which the past is essentially the pattern for the present” (p. 3). This point is illustrated and elaborated in Philipp Demgenski's anthropological study of a former colonial area in Qingdao, a coastal city in the southeast of Shandong Province. Demgenski artfully narrates a story of urban transformation that is based on his ten years of ethnographic fieldwork in the area, renting a room in a liyuan courtyard scheduled for redevelopment. The book is structured through a series of chronological perspectives, starting from the past, then moving to the redevelopment phase and, finally, to the future. These are combined with ethnographic perspectives, addressing the key social groups, including local residents, migrants and preservationists. Demgenski's research is comprehensive, and there are many key findings and arguments that are well embraced under the book title, Seeking a Future for the Past, as the main theme.
The discussion, as the book subtitle indicates, is focused on space, power and heritage in a city. Yet, this is not just a specific case of heritage-led urban regeneration in Qingdao; rather, it reflects a shifting attitude toward urban redevelopment in Chinese cities in general. Full of insightful observations, Demgenski has meticulously documented various individuals’ accounts with vivid details. Through qualitative research method, the author adds a layer of Geertzian “thick description” to his narrative. Reading his accounts makes me feel that I have encountered those individuals in person. The urban transformation, as the author reveals, is reflected in the multifaceted realities perceived by different groups and individuals, forming a full picture.
Regarding the author's own account that he has lived and breathed this urban environment for over ten years (p. 225), I am reminded of the story of my own family's courtyard house and its neighbourhood, adjacent to the famous Tianyi Library in Ningbo. Over a period of 30 years, the area has undergone a similar urban redevelopment process, under the banner of heritage conservation, yet the largely demolished area is still awaiting a final urban conservation plan. This long process, similar to what Demgenski has articulated as “from demolition to preservation to stagnation,” perhaps cements his claim that “the multiple failures are reflexive of a deeper, more structural urban reality” (p. 217). In this regard, the theoretical outcome of this case study will be widely applicable to many examples of preservation and development of historic quarters in China.
The selected case, Dabaodao, was planned, built and operated by Germany as a concession area in the late 19th century. This colonial history gives enormous advantage to the German scholar to conduct his fieldwork. Demgenski has no difficulty in accessing and analysing German literature and historic archives on Dabaodao; he has also been treated as an authoritative German expert by the public and local government, attending a number of important consultation meetings. Emotionally, by calling Qingdao his second hometown, the author expresses a deep attachment to the place and its people, and he is a reliable friend to the locals. Indeed, living in such a harsh environment for a long period does require an emotional bond and personal sacrifice. In all respects, Demgenski seems to be the ideal person for this field research. The research methodology seems to be conventionally ethnographic, including archive studies, on-site observations, in-depth interviews, personal participation and literature studies. Yet the analysis of the evidence is profound, through which the author demonstrates a gift for finding something extraordinary from looking into the ordinary. For example, the notion of “the government” is commonly regarded as an entity, thing, or specific set of persons “somewhere out there,” but to Demgenski's critical understanding, individuals are also capable of solving local problems and they are not so different from the low-level government staff (p. 224).
It would be magnificent if the original German planning documents for Dabaodao could be found and discussed, and if more historic photos of the place could be presented. This would give the readers a richer picture of the past. As for the liyuan houses, a result of the combination of colonial building regulations and Chinese alterations according to the migrants’ local building traditions, the question remains as to what kind of social life the liyuan houses staged in the first place? From an architectural historian's viewpoint, I feel there is an opportunity to analyse the embodied meanings in the architecture and its later transformations to articulate historic values. Doing this probably will answer the question of “but better for whom?” which the author raises in his conclusion to counter one preservationist's claim after the redevelopment that, “in the end, preservation is always better than demolition” (p. 220).
Seeking a Future for the Past has pertinently highlighted the current motifs and struggles of heritage-led urban regeneration in China. Research topics on urban redevelopment and renewal are often dominated by scholars from the architecture and urban design fields, so Demgenski's ethnographic approach is refreshing and unique. His book will appeal to readers not only from the field of Chinese studies in general, but also those from different disciplines including urban studies, urban planning, heritage preservation, sociology and law. It can also serve as an excellent guide for the practice of urban renewal and heritage conservation. I would recommend this book highly for its pedagogical value to postgraduate level courses related to Chinese urbanism, cultural studies and heritage management.
