1 Introduction
This chapter examines the story of how the concept of the ‘Minimum Standard of Treatment’ (MST) first emerged, its subsequent decline and also its recent ‘resurrection’.
The concept of MST crystallised as a rule of custom in the mid-twentieth century,Footnote 1 but in the 1960s and 1970s, Newly Independent States (NIS) began to challenge its existence. While the Standard ultimately survived these events, this opposition had another more subtle consequence: both developing and developed States now perceived the MST as ineffective in providing basic legal protection to foreign investors.Footnote 2 It is in this historical context that these States began frenetically signing bilateral investment treaties (BITs) for the promotion and protection of investments, which provided clearer rules on investment protection. I will argue in this chapter that States started to use the expression ‘fair and equitable treatment’ (FET) in their BITs because of the ambiguities surrounding the concept of the MST and the fact that many States had contested its legitimacy in the past. By the end of the 1990s, only a very small minority of BITs actually referred to the MST. By then, the concept had clearly lost its once prevailing importance as a source of investment protection for foreign investors. The MST’s glory days were long gone.
The dynamics suddenly changed, however, when arbitral tribunals started to give a broader interpretation to FET clauses, thereby providing foreign investors with treatment protections above and beyond the traditional MST.Footnote 3 It was only then that States started to explicitly mention in their new BITs that the treatment offered to investors under the FET clause was, in fact, the same that was extended to all foreign investors under the MST under custom. The concept of the MST, which had almost been forgotten by States in the 1990s, was now centre stage in their quest to limit investors’ rights under investment treaties. States’ objectives were now to prevent future tribunals from developing their own idiosyncratic interpretations of the FET standard. In this respect, the most interesting and innovative FET clause is certainly Article 8.10 of the Canada–European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), which contains a closed list of elements that are considered by the parties to embody the standard.Footnote 4 States have thus somewhat ‘rediscovered’ the usefulness of the MST. The concept has now regained the prevalence that it had lost in the past decades as an important source of investment protection.
2 The Emergence of MST as a Rule of Customary International Law
Section 2.1 will define the concept of MST and examine its historical foundation. Section 2.2 will analyse the subsequent challenges to the MST’s customary status, which was led by developing States in the 1960s and 1970s and eventually resulted, in the 1990s, in the new phenomenon of ‘treatification’.
2.1 The Historical Foundation of the Minimum Standard of Treatment
Despite some disagreement between States on the existence of the MST in the last few decades (a point further examined below), the concept is now well recognised by States, tribunals and scholars as a rule of customary international law.Footnote 5 What is more controversial is determining the actual content of the standard. The MST is an umbrella concept that in itself incorporates different elements.Footnote 6 Based on an analysis of case law and reports by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD),Footnote 7 it may be observed that the MST encompasses (at the very least) an obligation for host States to prevent denial of justice and arbitrary conduct and also to provide investors with due process and ‘full protection and security’.Footnote 8
The historical aspects surrounding the emergence of the MST have already been the subject of substantial scholarship.Footnote 9 Suffice it to note that its origin is grounded in the international law doctrine of State responsibility for injuries to aliens.Footnote 10 It is rooted in a due diligence obligation for States to respect the rights of foreigners within their country. Before the twentieth century, there was a prevailing view that individuals conducting business in another State should be subject to the law of that State.Footnote 11 Several States, especially in Latin America, adopted this position to counter the so-called gunboat diplomacy and other types of interferences by Western States in their internal affairs that were often made under the pretext of protecting the interests of their nationals abroad.Footnote 12 It is in this context that many States rejected the idea of the existence of any obligation under international law to accord a ‘minimum’ level of protection to foreigners.
Despite this opposition, the MST gradually emerged in the early twentieth century.Footnote 13 The development of this standard of treatment stemmed from capital-exporting States’ concern that many host States receiving investments lacked the most basic measures of protection for aliens and their property.Footnote 14 They argued that all governments were bound under international law to treat foreigners with at least a minimum standard of protection,Footnote 15 because the existing standard in many countries was considered too low.Footnote 16 The reasons for establishing such a standard were explained by the US Secretary of State, Mr Elihu Root, in an article published in 1910Footnote 17 and were reiterated some ninety years later by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) SD Myers Tribunal.Footnote 18 International jurisprudence slowly developed the concept of a minimum standard of protection. While a number of cases have had a significant impact on the emergence of this standard, the best known is certainly the Neer case of 1926.Footnote 19
The question of whether or not any customary rule in the field of investment arbitration had firmly crystallised after the Second World War is controversial.Footnote 20 However, it is safe to say that the MST was an established rule of custom at the time.Footnote 21 Section 2.2 examines a number of dramatic developments that occurred in the decades following the Second World War.
2.2 Newly Independent States Challenging the MST
In the 1960s and 1970s, NIS revived opposition towards the existence of any customary rules in the field of investment law. They openly contested the legitimacy of the existing CIL and demanded a revision of these ‘outdated’ rules that did not take into account the fundamental changes that had occurred in the international community since the end of the colonisation period.Footnote 22 According to Abi-Saab, these States ‘[did] not easily forget that the same body of international law that they [were] now asked to abide by, sanctioned their previous subjugation and exploitation and stood as a bar to their emancipation’.Footnote 23
Specifically, these States rejected having the obligation to provide any minimum standard of protection to foreign investors under CIL.Footnote 24 They insisted that they were bound to provide foreign investors only with the level of treatment existing under their domestic law.Footnote 25 They also contested the existence of any international law norms requiring compensation for expropriated foreign properties and supported a less stringent compensation requirement than the Hull formula.Footnote 26 At the time, developing States took the debate to the United Nations General Assembly where they represented the majority of States.Footnote 27 They used their status within the international body to advance their interests by way of resolutions and declarations,Footnote 28 which included Resolution 3171 adopted in 1973Footnote 29 and the 1974 Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States.Footnote 30 Given the division between the developed and the developing States, the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States could hardly be considered a reflection of existing international law at the time.Footnote 31 Another question is whether or not the effect of the attack by new States was to destroy the few rules of custom that existed after the Second World War. A number of writers believe this was the case.Footnote 32 Without specifically taking a position on the impact that the contestation may have had on custom, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the famous Barcelona Traction case of 1970 simply noted that no rule of customary international law existed in the field of international investment law.Footnote 33
The more established position is that some customary rules (including the MST) already existed at the time the developing States started opposing them.Footnote 34 In the 1990 Elettronica Sicula S.p.A. (ELSI) case, the ICJ indeed referred explicitly to the existence of a ‘minimum international standard’.Footnote 35 In fact, while it seems that the MST survived the assault by the developing States, it did not do so without some casualties. Thus, as noted by one writer, the strong contestation of a large segment of States has ‘served to undermine the solidity of the traditional international legal framework for foreign investment’.Footnote 36 Thus, while the developed States held the view that customary rules existed, they also acknowledged that their effectiveness was limited as a result of the vehement opposition of a large number of States.Footnote 37 In fact, both the developed and the developing States perceived these rules as ineffective in providing basic legal protection to foreign investors.
It is in this historical context that, in the 1990s, States began signing numerous BITs providing clearer rules on investment protection (a new phenomenon referred to as ‘treatification’). At the time, a new consensus emerged regarding the necessity to offer better legal protections to foreign investments in order to accelerate economic development. Yet, there was still great uncertainty surrounding the types of legal protections that existed for foreign investors under custom. As explained by two scholars, Dolzer and von Walter, it is due to the fact that ‘customary law was deemed be too amorphous and not be able to provide sufficient guidance and protection’ to foreign investors that capital-exporting and developing States started frenetically concluding ad hoc BITs.Footnote 38 According to both Schreuer and Dolzer, as a result of the new climate of international economic relations of the 1990s, ‘the fight of previous decades against customary rules protecting foreign investment had abruptly become anachronistic and obsolete’.Footnote 39 Consequently, by the 1990s, ‘the tide had turned’, and developing States were no longer opposed to the application of a minimum standard of protection under custom. Instead, they granted ‘more protection to foreign investment than traditional customary law did, now on the basis of treaties negotiated to attract additional foreign investment’.Footnote 40
Section 3 examines how this new phenomenon of ‘treatification’ was marked by the emergence of the FET standard and the decline of the MST as a source of investment protection for foreign investors.
3 The Emergence of the FET Standard in Investment Treaties
From the 1990s and onwards, States have included the FET standard in an overwhelming majority of BITs. I have explained elsewhere that less than 5% of the BITs which I have examined do not include any formal and binding FET obligation for the host State of investments.Footnote 41 One of the most controversial questions discussed in scholarship is why States first began including the term FET in their BITs throughout the 1960s and 1970s, and why they have continued to do so (almost) uniformly thereafter in the 1990s.Footnote 42
According to one view, Western States incorporated the concept of FET in their BITs to simply reflect the MST that existed under international law.Footnote 43 This approach has been endorsed by a number of writers.Footnote 44 These writers typically refer to the 1967 OECD Draft ConventionFootnote 45 as representative of the position of developed States at the time on matters of protection of foreign investments.Footnote 46 This is because the OECD’s Commentary to the 1967 Draft Convention indicated that the concept of FET flowed from the ‘well established general principle of international law that a State is bound to respect and protect the property of nationals of other States’.Footnote 47 The Drafting Committee also added that the phrase FET refers to ‘the standard set by international law for the treatment due by each State with regard to the property of foreign nationals’ and that ‘the standard required conforms in effect to the minimum standard which forms part of customary international law’.Footnote 48 The same position was also taken by OECD member States in 1984Footnote 49 and is confirmed by the practice of some Western States.Footnote 50 This narrative has, however, been subject to dissent by many scholars.Footnote 51 While it is possible that the OECD commentary reflected what their member States (all developed States) themselves viewed to be the CIL at the time, they were certainly not representative of what the developing States believed were their legal obligations in the 1960s.Footnote 52 In any event, as explained by two scholars, Newcombe and Paradell, the use of a ‘different and more politically neutral term [FET] might be explained by the historical political sensitivities regarding the minimum standard of treatment’, which was ‘historically viewed with suspicion because of the legacy of gun-boat diplomacy and imperialism’.Footnote 53 This is also the position endorsed by Judge Nikken in his separate opinion in the AWG Group v Argentina case.Footnote 54 In sum, for these writers the concept of the FET ‘may simply have been viewed as a convenient, neutral and acceptable reference’ to the MST.Footnote 55
A more convincing approach has been adopted by a number of other writers who suggest that the growing use of the term FET by Western States in their BITs was intended to counter the assertion made by developing States about the inexistence of any MST under international law.Footnote 56 Thus, Western States started including references to the FET standard because of the ambiguities surrounding the concept of the MST.Footnote 57 They started using this term as a result of the challenge mounted by developing States against the MST. Weiler provides a detailed account explaining how the United States started using the expression FET after the War and concluded that US negotiators embraced the term in the 1960s because the MST ‘controversy had otherwise poisoned the well for treaty drafters’.Footnote 58
The actual drafting language used by States in their BITs supports this approach. As pointed out by two authors, ‘if the parties to a treaty want to refer to customary international law, one would assume that they will refer to it as such rather than using a different expression’.Footnote 59 For the vast majority of BITs that contain an FET clause that does not make any reference to international law, the standard should not be considered as an implicit reference to the MST.Footnote 60 As pointed out by Schreuer and Dolzer, ‘[a]s a matter of textual interpretation, it seems implausible that a treaty would refer to a well-known concept like the “minimum standard of treatment in customary international law” by using the expression “fair and equitable treatment”’.Footnote 61 This is especially the case considering the (above-mentioned) contentious debates between the developed and the developing States as to the very existence of an MST.Footnote 62 The FET standard should therefore generally be considered as an independent treaty standard with an autonomous meaning from the MST. This is the position adopted by a majority of writers.Footnote 63 It should be noted, however, that a number of scholars have rejected this interpretation.Footnote 64 Yet, as logical and sound as it may be, this interpretation is not convincing in certain particular cases where a treaty explicitly links the FET to the standard existing under ‘international law’.Footnote 65 The same is true whenever the FET clause is entitled ‘MST’ (such as NAFTA Article 1105) or when the parties to a treaty have expressly stated that their intention was in fact for the FET standard to make reference to the MST under custom.Footnote 66
4 The ‘Return’ of the MST
By the year 2000, the concept of the MST had clearly lost its once prevailing importance as a source of investment protection for foreign investors. One could have assumed at the time that the MST’s role would become limited to the traditional function played by customary rules under international law in the context of the proliferation of treaty norms.Footnote 67 It seemed at the time that the MST’s glory days were long gone. That impression did not last very long.
When arbitral tribunals actually started to interpret FET clauses that had systematically been included in BITs for decades, States were considerably surprised by the outcome. The controversy began in the year 2000 when three Tribunals rendered awards that defined different aspects of the scope of the FET clause (Article 1105) contained in the NAFTA.Footnote 68 These three NAFTA Tribunals interpreted the FET clause as providing investors with treatment protections above and beyond the MST.Footnote 69 In other words, under this approach, the level of the standard of treatment imposed on the host State would be higher than that existing under custom; foreign investors would be given more rights. Most importantly, these three Tribunals adopted this approach notwithstanding the important fact that under Article 1105 (entitled ‘MST’) the FET is clearly linked to the standard existing under ‘international law’.
This NAFTA debate highlights the importance of the actual drafting of the FET clause. Arbitral tribunals (outside the NAFTA context) have given different interpretations to the scope of FET clauses depending on their actual drafting.Footnote 70 A 2012 UNCTAD report indicated that the drafting variations in FET clauses have in fact been interpreted as meaning different content as well as different thresholds.Footnote 71 Many arbitral tribunals have thus interpreted an unqualified (or ‘stand-alone’) FET clause as ‘delinked from customary international law’ and have, therefore, ‘focused on the plain-meaning of the terms “fair” and “equitable,”’ which ‘may result in a low liability threshold and brings with it a risk for State regulatory action to be found in breach of it’.Footnote 72 This phenomenon has been recognised by many scholars.Footnote 73 The vast majority of tribunals have, in fact, interpreted an unqualified FET clause as having an autonomous character, which therefore, provides a higher level of protection than the MST.Footnote 74 Only a limited number of tribunals have interpreted an unqualified FET standard as an implicit reference to international law.Footnote 75 This situation contrasts with the rather confusing approach adopted by tribunals faced with an FET clause containing an explicit reference to ‘international law’.Footnote 76 Tribunals have overall been divided on the proper interpretation and use of these words. While some tribunals have held that the term ‘international law’ found in an FET clause was a reference to the minimum standard under custom,Footnote 77 others have interpreted such an express reference in much the same way as an unqualified FET standard.Footnote 78 Others have simply decided not to take position on the issue.Footnote 79
The broad interpretations of FET clauses adopted by some tribunals led many States to take concrete measures to effectively reduce tribunals’ margin of appreciation when assessing the conformity of States’ conduct with the FET standard. The most virulent and comprehensive reaction came from NAFTA parties. Under the aegis of the Free Trade Commission (‘FTC’), they responded by issuing a ‘Note of Interpretation’, which interpreted the FET standard restrictively by expressly limiting the level of protection to be accorded to foreign investors to that existing under the MST under custom.Footnote 80 The Note itself rapidly became the centre of an important controversy amongst parties to NAFTA arbitration proceedings, arbitrators and scholars.Footnote 81
Around the same time, States also started explicitly mentioning in their BITs that the FET standard was not only linked to ‘international law’, but that it was in fact a reference to the MST under customary international law.Footnote 82 Again, two of the NAFTA Parties (United States and Canada) started this trend when they adopted their respective Model BITs in 2004. For instance, Article 5(1) of the US Model BIT provides that ‘[e]ach Party shall accord to covered investments treatment in accordance with customary international law, including FET and full protection and security’.Footnote 83 Clearly, Canada and the United States decided to adopt such language to refute the expanding interpretation applied by some NAFTA tribunals and to incorporate the clarification made in the NAFTA FTC Note of 2001.Footnote 84 The two BITs that the United States entered into after 2004 with Uruguay and Rwanda also contain the same clause referring specifically to the MST under custom.Footnote 85 Recent investment treaties of the United States, Canada and Mexico also contain the same FET clause.Footnote 86 While such specific language is clearly the result of the NAFTA experience, the phenomenon is not limited to the North American context as many States elsewhere have recently adopted the same types of FET clauses referring to the MST.Footnote 87
Another recent and closely related phenomenon is States becoming ‘more precise about the content of the FET obligation and more predictable in its implementation and subsequent interpretation’.Footnote 88 One example is the 2004 US Model BIT that clarifies that the obligation to provide FET under Article 5(1) ‘includes the obligation not to deny justice in criminal, civil, or administrative adjudicatory proceedings in accordance with the principle of due process embodied in the principal legal systems of the world’. This addition is also featured in the United States’ most recent BITs and FTAs as well as some of Canada’s investment treaties.Footnote 89 The same approach was adopted in the recently signed Canada–United States–Mexico Agreement (CUSMA, which has replaced NAFTA)Footnote 90 as well as by other States in the context of ASEAN,Footnote 91 COMESA,Footnote 92 CAFTA-DRFootnote 93 and the new Transpacific Partnership agreement (without the United States).Footnote 94
The efforts by many States to clarify the content of the FET standard in the last two decades have also had an impact on the solidification of the meaning of the MST. The next section further examines this phenomenon.
5 CETA: The Ultimate Detailed FET Clause
The most interesting and innovative recent FET clause is Article 8.10 of the CETA entered into by Canada and the member States of the European Union.Footnote 95 That provision is the first FET clause contained in an IIA that specifically enumerates a closed list of the different situations resulting in a breach of the obligation.Footnote 96 The content of Article 8.10 is to a very large extent based on how NAFTA tribunals have interpreted Article 1105 over the last 25 years. Thus, NAFTA tribunals have recognised that the FET standard contains only a limited number of specific elements of protection and that it requires proof of a high threshold of severity and gravity in order to conclude that the host State has committed a breach.Footnote 97 Article 8.10 CETA seems to be the natural and logical outcome of States’ willingness to ever increase the degree of specificity of the content of the FET clause in order to narrow its scope and to circumscribe its interpretation by tribunals.Footnote 98
One of the most notable features of Article 8.10 CETA is the fact that it does not refer to ‘international law’, the MST or to custom. The parties certainly believed that there was no need to expressly link the FET to the standard existing under the MST precisely because the clause contains a comprehensive enumeration of the elements they considered to be comprised in the FET ‘box’. In any event, the elements listed at Article 8.10 CETA are those which are generally considered to be existing under the concept of the MST. As such, the omission of a reference to the MST should not be interpreted as a possible setback to the contemporary importance of that standard. One writer has recently correctly referred to Article 8.10 CETA as an MST clause with another name.Footnote 99
6 Conclusion
This chapter has argued that States have started to use the expression FET in their investment treaties because of the ambiguities surrounding the concept of the MST and because of the fact that many States had heavily contested it in the past. By the end of the 1990s, the importance of the MST as a source of investment protection for foreign investors seems to be in sharp decline. Yet, soon after, States began to refer explicitly to the MST in FET clauses contained in their investment treaties. Their clear aim was to limit the scope of investors’ rights under said clauses. The clearest illustration of this willingness is the CETA FET clause.
In my view, the degree of specificity of the CETA FET clause is a welcome development. The reference to the MST in IIAs has not been entirely successful at harmonising the interpretation of the standard and limiting its scope.Footnote 100 Thus, faced with the binding FTC Note that links the FET to the MST, several NAFTA tribunals (Pope & Talbot, Mondev, ADF, Merrill & Ring and Bilcon) have simply ‘moved the goal post’.Footnote 101 They have thus interpreted CIL broadly by emphasising its evolutionary character. Under the CETA FET clause, a tribunal would no longer have the freedom to do that. In the CETA, the ‘evolution’ has effectively been stopped with the specific enumeration of elements contained in the FET clause.Footnote 102 In theory, one could argue that it is still possible for a tribunal to give a wide interpretation to any of the specific elements contained in the enumeration set out in Article 8.10 CETA. As such, even a closed list of what constitutes a FET breach would not prevent a Tribunal like Merrill & Ring to interpret the concept of arbitrariness or due process in a very broad manner.Footnote 103 The likelihood of such a possibility is somewhat diminished by the use of qualifiers in Article 8.10 CETA (‘manifest’ arbitrariness, ‘fundamental’ breach of due process’) and, most importantly, the establishment of a permanent tribunal of first instance and an appellate tribunal.Footnote 104 This will ensure that the same adjudicators decide on every case, thereby allowing for a more consistent and coherent jurisprudence with regards to the FET standard.Footnote 105 This is ultimately the best safeguard against any future attempts by arbitral tribunals to adopt a broad interpretation of the FET standard.Footnote 106
Ultimately, the CETA FET clause is emblematic of the fact that in this new century the pendulum is clearly swinging in the direction of States increasingly trying to regain control of investor-State arbitration.Footnote 107 For Stephan Schill, changes that have occurred in the last decade are ‘aimed at shifting power back from arbitral tribunals to the contracting parties in order to regain control over the interpretation of the obligations’ under investment treaties.Footnote 108 José Alvarez calls this recent phenomenon the ‘Return of the State’.Footnote 109 The approach adopted by Canada and the EU in CETA is arguably the most vivid demonstration of States narrowly defining the FET clause in their treaties and leaving arbitrators with a limited margin of appreciation. The same closed list approach has been adopted by the EU in agreements subsequently concluded with three other StatesFootnote 110 and has also been followed by Belgium–Luxembourg and the Netherlands in their respective Model BITs.Footnote 111 The latest Indian Model BIT (which, notably, does not use the terms FET or MST, but instead refers to the expression ‘violation of customary international law’) also contains a similar explicit list of FET elements.Footnote 112 There are good reasons to believe that the CETA FET clause will increasingly be used by other States in the future. The most interesting feature of such clauses is that they reflect the content of the MST as defined by tribunals in the last 25 years. The concept of the MST, which had almost been forgotten by States in the 1990s, is now centre stage in their quest to limit investors’ rights under investment treaties. Its ‘resurrection’ is one of the most interesting developments of the last two decades.