1. Introduction
1.1 Objectives
This paper reports a phenomenon found in Ganan (ISO 639-3 zkn), a Luish language of Tibeto-Burman (TB), which adds a syllable-final glottal stop unseen in other Luish languages, and discusses its historical development.
1.2 Ganan and the Luish languages
Ganan is a Luish language of Tibeto-Burman. The Luish languages include Cak (ISO 639-3 ckh) spoken in the Chittagong Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, Sak in tRakhine State in Burma, Chakpa in the Imphal basin in India, Kadu (ISO 639-3 zkd) in Sagaing Region of Burma, Ganan, etc.
Of these languages, Cak and Sak are almost identical as they are mutually intelligible insofar as native words are concerned. However, this is not always the case due to the large number of loanwords in Sak that originate from Burmese and its Arakanese dialect, as well as those from Bangla in Cak. Linguistic studies of Cak have been published by Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2008) (a grammatical description), and Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2016b) (a dictionary). Additionally, Löffler (Reference Löffler1964) dealt with Cak's relationship to the Chakma language, Bernot (Reference Bernot, Shin, Boisselier and Griswold1966) reported several hundred basic words, and Maggard et al. (Reference Maggard, Sangma and Ahmad2007) compared four dialects. As for Sak, Thun Shwe Khaing (Reference Khaing1988) provides an ethnography with a simple grammatical sketch and a list of basic vocabulary, and Moe Sandar (Reference Sandar2010) presents a descriptive grammar of Sak. Luce (1985 vol. II, Chart K, L) has a few hundred basic words from two dialects, Bawtala and Dodem.
Chakpa is already a dead language in terms of its daily use, and is only occasionally used in rituals. For linguistic resources on Chakpa, in addition to McCulloch (Reference McCulloch1859), which contains 423 words from the Andro and Sengmai dialects recorded in the mid-nineteenth century,Footnote 1 the language is sometimes mentioned in ethnographies on the Chakpa people (Rorendrajit Reference Rorendrajit2006; Basanta Reference Basanta2008).
Kadu is further divided into subclasses of Setto Kadu (STK), Moteik Kadu (MTK), Molang Kadu (MLK), Mokhwang Kadu (MWK), of which STK, MTK, and MLK are similar varieties and, although each has unique characteristics, are mutually intelligible. Nevertheless, MTK is not used daily anymore and is hardly passed down to the next generation. STK and MLK, similarly, have only a few villages passing down the varieties. MWK, as mentioned in Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2015), has distinct characteristics from other Kadu varieties, and is relatively close to Ganan concerning linguistic features. However, MWK is mutually intelligible with neither Ganan nor other Kadu varieties. For studies on Kadu, Sangdong (Reference Sangdong2012) is the most detailed research with texts and a vocabulary list, and Khin Moe Moe (Reference Khin2004) and Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2013) deal with the phonetics of Kadu. Other than these, Brown (Reference Brown1920) is one of the primary studies of Kadu, and Luce (1985, vol. II, Chart K, L) contains some 300 words of MLK.
Compared to Kadu, Ganan has less dialectal difference, and speakers of Ganan varieties do not have difficulty in understanding each other. The addition of a syllable-final glottal stop discussed in this paper is found in all Ganan varieties, based on the author's data. Previous works on Ganan are Ma Myo Myo (Reference Myoe2006), which described the grammar of the Nanzar dialect, and Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2012a) on the phonology of the Shwegyaung dialect. Luce (1985, Vol. II, Chart K, L) lists some 300 Ganan words.Footnote 2 This paper treats the Shwegyaung dialect as representative of Ganan, taking into consideration the amount of data owned by the author.
1.3 Data and abbreviations
Below is a list of the sources of data and the abbreviations used in this paper. Data is taken from STEDT unless otherwise noted.
- *A
A is a reconstructed form
- (A/B)
A and B are allomorphs
- {A}
A is a spelled form
- A
Andro, taken from McCulloch (Reference McCulloch1859).
- ANDV
andative marker
- C
Cak, taken from primary sources collected by the author.
- CKP
Chakpa
- cl
classifier
- cmpl
completive marker
- G
Ganan, taken from primary sources collected by the author.
- h
prefix having a high tone in Proto-Luish
- J
Jingpho
- K
Kadu, in particular the Takotta dialect of STK unless specified; from primary sources collected by the author
- Lui
Luish
- MT
Moteik Kadu
- num
numeral
- OB
Old Burmese (taken from Nishi 1999)
- PLu
Proto-Luish (taken from Huziwara Reference Huziwara2012b, Reference Huziwara2014, Reference Huziwara2016b)
- PKG
Proto-Kadu-Ganan
- pred
predicate marker
- PTB
Proto-Tibeto-Burman, taken mainly from STEDT
- S
Sak
- Se
Sengmai (taken from McCulloch Reference McCulloch1859)
- STEDT
Sino-Tibetan Etymological Dictionary and Thesaurus
- TB
Tibeto-Burman
- WB
Written Burmese, based on the transcription rules by Duroiselle (Reference Duroiselle1916)
- WT
Written Tibetan (Wylie transliteration system)
1.4 Notes on transcription
The primary source used by the author is written in simplified phonological transcription. For Kadu and Ganan, readers should pay heed to the points in (1):
(1)
a. Tones: ´ stands for a high tone (H), ` for a low tone (L), ^ for a falling tone (F). No tonal symbols are attached to unmarked mid tone (M).
b. The low tone in Kadu and Ganan developed as a result of a tonal change of a mid tone that had followed a high tone. Words starting with a low tone show that they used to have a prefix with a high tone.
c. The falling tone in Kadu developed as a result of a tonal change of HM or ML, and regularly occurs as MF.
2. Subclasses of the Luish languages and Ganan
Before discussing the epenthesis of the syllable-final glottal stop in Ganan, I shall note how Luish languages are treated in the Tibeto-Burman language group, and how Ganan is treated in the Luish languages. Matisoff (Reference Matisoff2013) claims the Jingpho-Asakian languages as a subgroup of Tibeto-Burman languages, where Asakian languages have traditionally been called Luish languages. The fact that the Luish languages belong to the Tibeto-Burman language group is evident from the comparison of their basic vocabulary, as exemplified in (2).
(2)
a. “I” WT nga, WB ngaa; PLu *ŋa; C ŋa, K ŋa, G ŋa; J ŋai33;
b. “pig” WT phag, WB wak; PLu *wak; C vaʔ, K waʔ, G waʔ; J waʔ31.
The Luish languages are classed under the Sal group (Burling Reference Burling1983) as evidenced by the following special diagnostic lexicons (cited from Huziwara Reference Huziwara2020: 46, with some modifications), which in turn is based on Benedict (Reference Benedict1972: 7, 34 fn. 108) except for Luish data).
(3) “sun” PLu *ca-mík, C cəmíʔ, S səmíʔ, K/G səmíʔ, A/Se chameet (camit); Chairel sal; Taman pupek cf. J dźān; Namsang (Northern Naga) san, Moshang (Northern Naga) sár; Garo sal.
(4) “fire” PLu *wal, C/S vaiN, K/G wan, A/Se wal; Chairel phal; Taman vè cf. J ʔwàn; Namsang (Northern Naga) van, Moshang (Northern Naga) var; Garo waʔl.
(5) “foot” vs. “hand/arm”
PLu *ta vs. *tak-, C ʔáta vs. taʔmiŋ “nail”, K/G ta vs. taʔmiŋ “nail”, A/Se ta- vs. takmeng “nail”; Chairel la vs. lak; Taman — vs. la < *lak; cf. Garo dzá vs. dzák, Dimasa ya vs. yau; Tableng ya vs. yak, Tamlu la vs. lak, Banpara tśia vs. tśak, Namsang da vs. dak, Moshang ya vs. yak.
Distinctive characteristics that separate the Luish languages from other Tibeto-Burman languages including Jingpho are: (a) the order of affixes “cl-one”, while “num-cl” from two onward;Footnote 3 (b) a set of directional auxiliary verbs; and (c) a negative prefix a-. Examples of these features are shown in (6).
(6)
a. Order of a classifier and “one” cl-num
WT No classifier, WB num-cl
J cl-num; however, the classifier is rarely used. Lui cl- “one”; for other numbers num-cl.
“cl: man-one” C hú-wa, MT/G hɔ̀-wa
“two-cl: man” C níŋ-hú, MT kleiŋ-hú, G kɛ-hɔ́;
b. Having an andative auxiliary verb (andv) *-a and a completive auxiliary verb (cmpl) *-aŋ
WT, WB, J. No such auxiliary verbs
“drink-andv=pred” C Ɂu-wa=heʔ, MT/G ʔu-wa=ma
“drink-cmpl=pred” C Ɂu-waŋ=heʔ, MT/G ʔu-waŋ=ma;
c. Negative prefix form; WT ma, WB ma, J ń- “negative prefix-” PLu *á-;Footnote 4 C ʔá/ʔa-, K ʔə-, G ʔə-, A/Se a-.
The Luish languages are divided into Cak and Chakpa-Kadu depending on the innovations they have undergone shown in (7)–(10), namely (A) PLu *ti > kyi;Footnote 5 (B) deletion of PLu *r; (C) PLu *khy > ʃ; (D) marked linker for borrowed verbs.
(7)
a. “sweet” PLu *ti; C kyi,Footnote 6 K ti, G ti; A/Se tī; J tui31;
b. “egg” PLu *ti; C ʔákyi, K təti, G titti; J ti31;
c. “penis” PLu *tí; C ʔakyí, K tí, G tí.
(8)
a. “thick” PLu *rH-thay; C rəthe, K thɛ̀ ~ ʔəthɛ̀, G thɛ̀; A/Se the; J that31;
b. “cord” PLu *ri; C rɨ, K ʔi, G ʔi; J ʒi31;
c. “buffalo” PLu *k-réy;Footnote 7 C krí̵, K cɛ́, G cé; A/Se ké; J wă33loi33;
d. “crab” PLu *a/n-har < *a/n-khar; C nəhaiŋ, K ʔəha, G ʔəha; A aha, Se niha; J tʃă55khan51.
(9) “red” PLu *khyá; C ʃá, K há, G há; A/Se ha; J khje33.
(10) “loan verb marker”Footnote 8 PLu *-(t/l)ó; C —, K -tɔ́, G -lɔ́; A/Se -to.
The linguistic innovations dividing Chakpa, Kadu, and Ganan are: (A) PLu *-l > -n; (B) development of an infix -l-;Footnote 9 and (C) change from the two-tone system to the three-tone system.Footnote 10 Examples are shown in (11) and (12):
(11)
a. “fire” PLu *wan < *wal; C vaiŋ, K wan, G wan; A/Se wal; J wan31;
b. “tree” PLu *phón < *phól; C (ʔapháŋ, púŋpháŋ), K phouŋklon, phón “firewood”, G phɔ́ntòn; A phol; J phun55.
(12)
a. “fat” PLu *sáw; C ʔasá, K shəlɔ́, G shəlɔ́; A/Se sa; J sau55.
b. “leaf” PLu *tap; C ʔátaʔ, K təlap ~ tətap, G təlap; A/Se tatup (tatap); J lap31.
3. Point at issue
The issue discussed in this paper is the phenomenon in which Ganan occasionally has an additional glottal stop consonant in a position where other Luish languages do not. This point is prominent evidence for dividing Ganan and Kadu.
(13)
a. “bamboo shoot” G kəmiʔ; K kəmi, C kəmɯkaiŋ;
b. “bone” G maŋkuʔ; K maʔku, C (ʔáməra);
c. “cat” G hánsìʔ; K hanɕî, C háiŋ; Se huljeek (haljik);
d. “comb (v)” G shiʔ; K ɕi, C sɨ;
e. “correct” G hiʔ; K chi, C heʔ, huʔ “copula”;
f. “elbow” G táʔshùʔ; K taʔkəshû, C (táiŋdoŋ);
g. “faeces” G hiʔ; K chi, C ʃi;
h. “horse” G shəpùʔ; K shəpù, S sapú (Hodgson Reference Hodgson1853: 5); A/Se shoorook (shuruk);
i. “medicine” G shiʔ; K ɕi, C sɨ;
j. “porcupine” G kətùʔ; K kətù, C (phaiŋ); A/Se kootook (kutuk);
k. “rat” G cùʔ; K kəyù, C kəyvu; A/Se kooyook (kuyuk);
l. “smoke” G wann̥uʔ; K (wanshuŋ), C vaiŋhvu; A walkhoo (walkhu), Se walhoo (walhu);
m. “steal” G kuʔ; K ku, C kvu; A/Se kook (kuk);
n. “vine” G yəluʔ; K yəlu, C (ʔárəkuʔ); A loohook (luhuk);
o. “wall of a house” G címkùʔ; K cémkù, C kíŋhvu.
From the examples in (13), we find that Ganan has a glottal stop after i (13a, c, d, e, g, i) and u (13b, f, h, j, k, l, m, n, o), whereas Kadu and Cak do not. Based on this point, Hypothesis 1 (14) is established.
(14) Hypothesis 1. When a syllable has i or u at the syllable-final position in the Luish languages (e.g. Kadu and Cak), its corresponding form in Ganan has an additional glottal stop to it.
Nevertheless, there are many cases with no glottal stop after i or u, as shown in (15) and (16).Footnote 11
(15)
a. “barking deer” G ŋəhí; K ʔəchí, C ʔiʃí;
b. “buy” G mí; K mí, C mərí̵;
c. “come” G li; K li, C (vaiŋ)
d. “cord” G ʔi; K ʔi, C rɨ;
e. “die” G shí; K ɕí, C sí̵;
f. “dog” G ci; K ci, C kvu;
g. “egg” G titti; K təti, C ʔákyi, S wa-tí (Hodgson Reference Hodgson1853: 8);
h. “elephant” G ʔəcí; K ʔəcí, C ʔukvú ~ wvukvú;
i. “four” G pí; K pí, C prí̵;
j. “fruit” G shiʔshi; K ɕəɕi, C ʔásɨ;
k. “give” G ʔi; K ʔi, C ʔi;
l. “let out (fart)” G phí; K phí, C phí;
m. “penis” G tí; K tí, C ʔakyí;
n. “smooth” G pit; K pi, C prɨ;
o. “sour” G hí; K chí, C hrí̵;
p. “sweet” G ti; K ti, C; kyi;
q. “wash (clothes)” G hi; K chi, C hrɨ;
r. “woman” G ʔínáʔsha “girl”; K ʔiɕî, C ʔísa “old lady”;
s. “younger brother” G nəshì; K nəɕì, C ʔanésɨ.
(16)
a. “bathe” G kú; K kú, C krvú;
b. “burn” G hu; K hu, C hru;
c. “burn/roast” G su; K su, C cu;
d. “cut(vi)” G tu; K tu, C tvu;
e. “emerge” G pu; K pu, C pru;
f. “dig” G thu; K thu, C thu;
g. “drink” G ʔu; K ʔu, C ʔu;
h. “fishy” G shú; K shú, C svú;
i. “fowl” G ʔu; K ʔu, C ʔu;
j. “get” G lu; K lu, C lu;
k. “grind/pound” G thu; K thu, C thvu ~ thu;
l. “open (umbrella)” G phú; K phú, C ʔahvú;
m. “mushroom” G kúʔmú; K kəmú, C kəmúkaiŋ;
n. “rot” G mú; K kəpú, C ɓú;
o. “seed” G tuttu; K tətu, C ʔátvu;
p. “snake” G kəphú; K kəphú, C kəhvú;
q. “watch” G yu; K yu, C yu.
However, there are cases where both Ganan and Kadu have a glottal stop after i and u, as exemplified in (17).
(17)
a. “mosquito” G pəsíʔ; K pəsíʔsáuʔ, C pəcíʔ;
b. “sun” G səmíʔ; K səmíʔ, C cəmíʔ;
c. “belly” G púʔ; K púʔ, C ʔapí̵ʔ.
Therefore, it is far-fetched to conclude that a lexical form ending with i or u in the Luish languages unconditionally corresponds to a form with an additional glottal stop in Ganan. Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2012b, Reference Huziwara2014) then assumed that a glottal stop in Ganan enumerated in (13) is a derived form originating from the Proto-Luish language, and proposed a reconstructed form *-k as in (18). Below are instances with a reconstructed PLu form.
(18)
a. “bamboo shoot” PLu *k-muy-k;
b. “comb (v)” PLu *si-k;
c. “faeces” PLu *khyi-k;
d. “horse” PLu *sH-pu-k;
e. “medicine” PLu *si-k;
f. “rat” PLu *kH-yuw-k;
g. “smoke” PLu *wán-huw-k < *wál-khuw-k;
h. “steal” PLu *kuw-k;
i. “wall of a house” PLu *kím-(k/kh)uw-k.
However, the reconstructed form *-k is unnecessary if the syllable-final glottal stop in Ganan in (13) is predictable. This paper now goes on to discuss whether or not the secondary addition of the syllable-final stop in Ganan can be predicted.
4. Rhyme reconsidered
Supposing that the addition of syllable-final stops in Ganan is predictable, what conditions are at work?
To discuss this, it is helpful to look into similar phenomena found in neighbouring languages.Footnote 12 Burling (Reference Burling1966) reported a phenomenon where a stop consonant is secondarily inserted in Maru,Footnote 13 one of the Burmish languages.Footnote 14 According to Burling (Reference Burling1966), for words ending with i or u in Atsi,Footnote 15 which belongs to the same language group as Maru, their corresponding form in Maru is it or uk when they correspond to {e} or {ui} in WB.Footnote 16 A list of examples is given in (19):Footnote 17
(19)
a. “die” WB {se}, Atzi šî, Maru šit;
b. “parrot” WB {kye:}, Atzi jì, Maru jìt;
c. “in front” WB {hre.}, Atzi hı̌, Maru ɣʔít;
d. “horn” WB {khyui}, Atzi khyúi, Maru khyùk;
e. “steal” WB {khui:}, Atzi kháu, Maru khúk;
f. “breast” WB {nui.}, Atzi nàu, Maru núk.
In Maru, there are words ending with i or u as well, and they by-and-large correspond to WB {ii} or {uu}. Below (20) shows examples from Sawada (Reference Sawada2017):
(20)
a. “fire” WB {mii:}, Zaiwa mi21, Lhaovo mjiL;
b. “to be white” WB {phruu}, Zaiwa phyu41, Lhaovo phjuF.
Below, (21) is a list of Ganan word forms shown in (13), together with corresponding Burmese forms.
(21)
a. “faeces” G hiʔ; K chi; WB {khye:}, OB {khliy};
b. “medicine” G shiʔ; K ɕi, C sɨ; WB {che:};
c. “smoke” G wann̥uʔ; K (wanshuŋ), C vaiŋhvu; WB {khui:}.
From the examples in (21), all word forms correspond to either {e} or {ui} in WB, which can be reconstructed as *iy or *uiw respectively (Hill Reference Hill2019). As such, I shall modify Hypothesis 1 in (14) as (22).
(22) Hypothesis 2. Forms corresponding to {e} or {ui} in Burmese (*iy or *uiw in the proto-language) correspond with a form with an additional syllable-final glottal stop in Ganan.
That said, as we will see in (23), there are some cases where cognate Burmese forms have {e} or {ui} even though their corresponding Ganan forms have no glottal stop. For this reason, Hypothesis 2 in (22) still seems incorrect.
(23)
a. “barking deer” G ŋəhí; WB {khye}, {gyii} (Judson Reference Judson and Stevenson1893);
b. “die” G shí; WB {se}, OB {siy};
c. “four” G pí; WB {le:} PTB b-ləy;
d. “mushroom” G kúʔmú; WB {hmui};
e. “dog” G ci; WB {khwe:}, OB {khuy};
f. “snake” G kəphú; WB {pui:} “insect”;
g. “bathe” G kú; WB {khyui:}, OB {khluiw}.
From the words listed in (23), we see that all the Ganan word forms but (23e) have a high tone, while the Ganan forms with a syllable-final glottal stop in (13) have a mid or low tone. Therefore, Hypothesis 2 in (22) is revised as (24):
(24) Hypothesis 3. For word forms with {e} or {ui} in Written Burmese, the corresponding word forms in Ganan have an additional syllable-final glottal stop when they do not have a high tone in Ganan.Footnote 18
Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2012b, Reference Huziwara2014) reconstructed PLu *i and *uw for PTB *əy and *əw, namely {e} and {ui} in Written Burmese, and for words with a syllable-final stop in Ganan they assumed PLu *i-k and *uw-k, respectively. Given (24), however, it is possible to predict the addition of the syllable-final stop in Ganan by supposing, for example, *iy and *uw to PLu.
Thus, the PLu or PKG forms of the word samples in (13) can be reconstructed as (25). PLu is reconstructed if a Cak word is cognate with either Kadu or Ganan, and PKG if only Kadu and Ganan are cognate.
(25)
a. “bamboo shoot” G kəmiʔ; K kəmi, C kəmɯkaiŋ; PLu *k-muy;Footnote 19
b. “bone” G maŋkuʔ; K maʔku, C (ʔáməra); PKG *má(k/ŋ)-kuw;
c. “cat” G hánsìʔ; K hanɕî, C háiŋ; PLu *hán-(c/s)iy < *hál-(c/s)iy;Footnote 20
d. “comb (v)” G shiʔ; K ɕi, C sɨ; PLu *siy;
e. “correct” G hiʔ; K chi, C (heʔ, huʔ) “copula”; PKG *khyiy;
f. “elbow” G táʔshùʔ; K taʔkəshû, C (táiŋdoŋ); PKG *ták-suw;
g. “faeces” G hiʔ; K chi, C ʃi; PLu *khyiy;
h. “horse” G shəpùʔ; K shəpù, S sapú (Hodgson Reference Hodgson1853: 5); PLu *sH-puw;
i. “medicine” G shiʔ; K ɕi, C sɨ; PLu *siy;
j. “porcupine” G kətùʔ; K kətù, C pədvu; PLu *kH-tuw;
k. “rat” G cùʔ; K kəyù, C kəyvu; PLu *kH-yuw;
l. “smoke” G wann̥uʔ; K (wanshuŋ), C vaiŋhvu; PLu *wán-khuw;
m. “steal” G kuʔ; K ku, C kvu; PLu *kuw;
n. “vine” G yəluʔ; K yəlu, C (ʔárəkuʔ); PKG *yəluwFootnote 21 < *yuw;
o. “wall of a house” G címkùʔ; K cémkù, C kíŋhvu; PLu *kím-(k/kh)uw.
5. Similar phenomena in related languages
Taman,Footnote 22 reportedly closely related to Luish languages, including Chakpa, has phonological phenomena similar to Ganan.
In Chakpa (Andro and Sengmai), a stop consonant is found in cognate words ending with a secondary glottal stop in Ganan, as shown in (26).
(26)
a. “cat” G hánsìʔ; K hanɕî, C háiŋ; Se huljeek (haljik);
b. “medicine” G shiʔ; K ɕi, C sɨ; A/Se seek (sik) “tobacco”;
c. “porcupine” G kətùʔ; K kətù, C (phaiŋ); A/Se kootook (kutuk);
d. “rat” G cùʔ; K kəyù, C kəyvu; A/Se kooyook (kuyuk);
e. “steal” G kuʔ; K ku, C kvu; A/Se kook (kuk);
f. “vine” G yəluʔ; K yəlu, C (ʔárəkuʔ); A loohook (luhuk).
Occasionally, however, Chakpa has words without an additional stop where its Ganan counterpart does have it, as in (27):
(27) “smoke” G wann̥uʔ; K (wanshuŋ), C vaiŋhvu; A walkhoo (walkhu), Se walhoo (walhu).
Example (28) might be a case of a secondary stop insertion; however, it remains uncertain because few cognate forms can be found.
(28) “man” A tik “he/she”; G tìʔsha; Sema [Sumi] ti mi (cited from STEDT Database, which is based on Marrison Reference Marrison1967).
As for Taman, there are no words cognate with Ganan where a stop is added, but some words, as for example in (29), seemingly have a secondary stop added to the end of the syllable compared to other Tibeto-Burman languages.
(29)
a. “cat” Taman mətʃeksɔ; C háiŋ, K hanɕî, G hánsìʔ; A hunggen (hanggen), Se huljeek (haljik).
b. “horse” Taman tʃipòùk; C (məráŋ), S sapù (Hodgson Reference Hodgson1853: 5) shəpù, G shəpùʔ; A/Se shoorook (shuruk).
In (30), Ganan and Chakpa do not have any secondary syllable-final stop added, while Taman does in comparison with other Tibeto-Burman languages.
(30)
a. “man (human being)” Taman mek; C (lú), Kadu təmìsha, Ganan tìʔsha;
A teeksahora (tiksahora), Se teekhora (tikhora).
b. “write” Taman rek; C (rwé < Marma), K ʔəchìn, khù, G (yé < Burmese); A/Se —; OB riy (Nishi 1999: 39).
As is observed, an addition of a secondary stop after a high vowel does not consistently occur in cognate forms. This implies that this innovation did not happen in the proto-language which Ganan, Chakpa and Taman commonly share, but happened independently in each language.
6. Conclusion
This paper has discussed the phenomenon whereby Ganan has an additional syllable-final glottal stop in words whose Luish counterparts do not. As a result, it demonstrated that, by assuming *iy and *uw in PLu, such Ganan forms are mostly predictable if they do not have a high tone.Footnote 23
There are remaining issues as in (31):
(31)
a. Rhyme system of PLu: If we reconstruct *iy for words with a glottal stop at their coda position in Ganan, there is a contradiction with the form *iy reconstructed earlier in Huziwara (Reference Huziwara2012b, Reference Huziwara2014, Reference Huziwara2016b). Therefore, it would be necessary to change *iy to *ey, and *ey to *ay. The problem remains unsolved as to how PLu rhymes should be reconstructed.
b. It has not been explained yet why a glottal stop is added not after *i and *u but after *iy and *uw, and also why it is not added to high-tone words.Footnote 24