UN SC Res. 1378 calls for international assistance to Afghanistan.

UN SC Res. 1378 is cited in §V(5) of the Bonn Agreement.

Council endorses the Bonn Agreement in UN SC Res. 1383.

Council responds to Bonn Annex 1, para. 3, in UN SC Res. 1386, which creates ISAF.

United States and Afghanistan entered into a security agreement on 30 September 2014.Footnote ³⁵⁶

Afghanistan and NATO entered into a status-of-force agreement on 30 September 2014.Footnote ³⁵⁷

Council commends Afghan–NATO partnership in UN SC Res. 2210.

UN SC Res. 2274 ‘calls upon the Afghan Government, with the assistance of the international community, to continue to address the threat to the security and stability of Afghanistan posed by the Taliban, including the Haqqani Network, as well as Al-Qaida and other violent and extremist groups’.

The governments of Chad, Niger, and Algeria signed an agreement in early July 2003 on cooperation and joint operations for counter terrorism.

The governments of Mali and Algeria agreed to coordinate their counter-terrorism efforts along their shared borders.Footnote ³⁵⁸

Soviet Union, Cuba, South Africa, United States

Support to government against UNITA and FNLA rebels

Support to UNITA against government

The MPLA government received substantial military assistance from the Soviet Union and, during the first half of 1975, Cuban troops had already begun to arrive in aid of the leftist movement. They would remain in the country over the next 14 years, increasing in number until reaching a peak of 50,000 in 1988.

The United States and South Africa supplied the FNLA (UNITA’s predecessor), and then UNITA, with troops. The South African assistance to the FNLA/UNITA came first, and was followed by Cuban and Soviet aid to the government.Footnote ³⁵⁹

Fighting started with Cameroon supporting Nigeria against Boko Haram in 2014.

In January 2015, Boko Haram demanded that Cameroon scrap its constitution and embrace Islam.

In the following two months, Cameroon fought battles with supporting troops from Chad.Footnote ³⁶⁰

(1) Forces from Libya supported the president against a challenge by rebelsFootnote ³⁶⁴

Forces from Sudan and Djibouti announced as supporting democratic institutionsFootnote ³⁶⁵

French forces supported President Patassé in conflict with rebel group UFDR, which broke away from the forces of François BozizéFootnote ³⁶⁶

Libyan forces in 2001 supported President Patassé in conflict with forces led by former Army Chief of Staff François Bozizé.

Sudan and Djibouti sent forces pursuant to decisions by two regional organisations, Community of Sahel and Saharan States (CEN-SAD) and Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC).Footnote ³⁶⁷

Pursuant to a military accord, France had troops stationed in the CAR and 220 French troops were deployed in 2006 against the UFDR.

(4) Angola joined the fight on the side of Sassou because Lissouba’s government had supported UNITA, a rebel group fighting against the Angolan government

Chadian troops also joined and supported Sassou, because he was France’s president of choice in earlier yearsFootnote ³⁷⁰

Sassou sought to overthrow Lissouba’s elected regime, which he did in October 1997.Footnote ³⁷¹

In 2002, fighting erupted between Sassou and the Ntsiloulous rebels.

‘The remains of 2002 and the first three months of 2003 saw low-scale fighting … Only at one point was Ntoumi able to seriously threaten Sassou’s regime; when his Ntsiloulous launched a surprise attack on Brazzaville’s Maya-Maya Airport in June. After heavy fighting, the Cobra elements, supported by Angolan troops and army artillery fire, were able to push the Ntsiloulous back into the bush.’Footnote ³⁷³

Uganda provided troops to AFDL Most analysts conclude that Uganda’s involvement was mainly based on security concerns, as anti-Museveni rebel groups operated out of Zairian territory.Footnote ³⁷⁴

Rwandan troops assisted AFDL, aiming both to root out the Hutu militia operating from Zairian territory and to topple Mobutu, who had supported the previous regime in Rwanda, and who accepted the presence of the armed Hutu groups on Zairian soil.Footnote ³⁷⁶

The only state openly admitting to sending troops in aid of AFDL was Angola, who had the same motivation as Rwanda and Uganda. Mobutu had for years supported Angolan rebel group UNITA, allowing the rebels to launch attacks from Zairian territory.Footnote ³⁷⁷

After assuming power, Kabila quickly alienated many of his former allies and external supporters.

In August 1998, the RCD was formed. It was a group composed of various political elements opposing the government.

When the fighting began in August 1998, alliances had shifted, and Kabila’s former main backers Rwanda and Uganda now supported the rebels.Footnote ³⁷⁹

Chad had ‘no clear reason’ for supporting the government.’

Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia sent troops under a SADC banner.

Angola intervened to refuse UNITA a safe haven on Congolese territory and also because of DR Congo’s diamond sector.

Re Zimbabwe: while Mugabe claimed the troops were protecting central Zimbabwean interests such as a vital electricity supply line, it is also obvious that the support given proved very beneficial economically for the country.

Namibia’s troop deployment was the smallest.Footnote ³⁸³

(4) The conflict grew increasingly complex during its second phase, as former allies turned on each other and new groups and supporters emerged.

When the fighting began in August 1998, alliances had shifted and Kabila’s former main backers Rwanda and Uganda now supported the rebels.Footnote ³⁸⁴

Originally, one of the main causes behind the internal splits was divisions between the movement’s main backers, Uganda and Rwanda.

Subsequently, in May 1999, RCD split into the two groups: RCD-Goma, which in this database is seen as the continuation of RCD; and RCD-ML. The former was backed by Rwanda and the latter, by Uganda.Footnote ³⁸⁵

Created by Jean-Pierre Bemba in September 1998 with the aim of overthrowing Kabila, MLC launched its rebellion in November the same year.

In mid-2002, an agreement was signed by the government, MLC, and most of the opposition parties, under which rebel leader Jean Pierre Bemba was to become prime minister in a new transitional government.

Negotiations continued in late 2002, aiming to also include the various RCD groups in the accord and, in December, an all-inclusive agreement was reached.Footnote ³⁸⁸

Russia’s role in the conflict was widely perceived to be inconsistent.

Divisions between factions within the Russian government resulted in a situation in which, at some points, both sides to the conflict received substantial help.Footnote ³⁹²

After a few clashes between South Ossetian and Georgian troops in the first days of August, tensions culminated on 7 August 2008.

Georgian President Saakashvili launched a large-scale military offensive on Tskhinvali, the capital of South Ossetia.

Immediately, Russia sent troops, tanks, and bomber planes to repel the Georgian Army.Footnote ³⁹⁵

The conflict concerned Senegalese rebels in Casamançe, which borders Guinea-Bissau.

Guinean Army offices in MJDC had supported Casamançe rebels.

President Veira reversed prior policy and opposed the rebels.

Senegal and Guinea sent troops to assist Viera’s efforts.Footnote ³⁹⁷

In 2004–09, the Iraqi government was supported by troops from a multinational coalition headed by the United States. During these years, the foreign troops provided the majority of the military and security forces on the government side.

In early 2007, the Iraqi government and the US supporting troops initiated an offensive against insurgents, as well as other violent actors. This so-called surge led to an intensification of the conflict as insurgents were being pushed north from Baghdad.Footnote ⁴⁰¹

Council approves of presence of multinational force in Iraq.

UN SC Res. 1546 is accompanied by a letter from the United States offering assistance and a letter from Iraq accepting that assistance.Footnote ⁴⁰⁰

Fighting between the Lebanese Army under Aoun and the Government of Lebanon began in early March, as the Lebanese Army launched a blockade on what it considered to be illegal militia posts in Beirut. In response, forces controlled by Syria and the Hoss government attacked Lebanese Army positions with mortars and artillery.Footnote ⁴⁰³

The new and the old governments claimed that they had acted according to constitutional law.

The constitution did not provide an immediate solution to the problem, because it was tradition that dictated that the president should be a Christian and the prime minister a Sunni Muslim.

Internationally, the government led by Hoss came to be seen as having the most legitimacy; UCDP also treats the Hoss-led administration as the government of Lebanon.Footnote ⁴⁰⁵

In 1990, the Council ‘[r]eiterates its strong support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries’.Footnote ⁴⁰⁴

In 2004, the Council repeated this language in a preambular paragraph, reaffirming ‘its call for the strict respect of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity, and political independence of Lebanon under the sole and exclusive authority of the Government of Lebanon throughout Lebanon’, and calling upon ‘all remaining foreign forces to withdraw from Lebanon’.Footnote ⁴⁰⁶

A critical turning point in the conflict came in May 2016, when IS fighters attacked government-loyal militias from the town of Misrata at Abu Grein.

By June, the Misratan forces loyal to the Government of Libya were deeply engaged in fierce street battles against IS inside Sirte.

On 1 August, US aircraft and naval forces began bombing targets in Sirte.

The fighting continued for several months, amid more US airstrikes, before the Bunyan Marsous Operations Room finally captured Sirte on 6 December.Footnote ⁴¹¹

On 14 June 2016, the Council, in a resolution concerning Libya, ‘[u]rge[d] Member States to combat by all means, in accordance with their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and other obligations under international law, including international human rights law, international refugee law and international humanitarian law, threats to international peace and security caused by terrorist acts’.Footnote ⁴¹⁰

The Resolution further welcomed the Vienna Communiqué of 16 May 2016, which declares that ‘[t]he GNA [Government of National Accord] is the sole legitimate recipient of international security assistance’ and that ‘[w]e fully support the PC’s requests for security assistance to counter Da’esh and other UN-designated terrorist groups for a united national security force’.Footnote ⁴¹² This favourable statement came three months prior to the commencement of the US bombing campaign.

On 22 June 2010, the Mauritanian military attacked AQIM in neighbouring Mali, in what was officially claimed to be a pre-emptive strike attempting to deter a suspected AQIM attack on strategic Mauritanian interests.

French troops took part in the operation, with a goal of releasing Michel Germaneau, a French aid worker taken captive by AQIM in Niger and held in Mali.Footnote ⁴¹⁷

Three neighbouring states – Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and Malawi – eventually deployed troops into Mozambique to defend their own economic interests against Renamo attacks.

Until 1991, the Soviet Union, together with other Eastern bloc countries constituted the Mozambican government’s main backers.

From the mid-1980s, military aid was also forthcoming from a number of Western countries, of which the United Kingdom was the leading one.Footnote ⁴¹⁹

Soon after Boko Haram’s transformation into IS, the group’s attacks on Niger intensified.

Late March and April saw the most large-scale attacks in 2015.

On 30 March, IS fighters launched a significant cross-border attack on Bosso village from Nigeria, but they were pushed back after sustaining heavy losses.

In early June, Bosso once again became the target of an IS attack; hundreds of heavily armed IS fighters were able to temporarily defeat the Army and briefly occupy the town.

Subsequently, the Army launched a large-scale counter-attack, using air and land forces, succeeding in pushing the militants out of Bosso.

The following months also saw high levels of violence, with a government offensive scoring victories against the Islamists.Footnote ⁴²¹

Security Council issued a presidential statement reaffirming ‘Member States’ determination to continue to do all they can to resolve conflict and to deny terrorist groups the ability to put down roots and establish safe havens to address better the growing threat posed by terrorism’.

Council also ‘expresse[d] its concern at the continued threat posed to international peace and security by Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad (also known as “Boko Haram”) … and all other individuals, groups, undertakings and entities associated with Al-Qaida’.Footnote ⁴²⁰

In January 2015, Boko Haram carried out an attack on the town of Baga and its surrounding area, which was the base of the so-called MNJTF.

In late January, a major unified offensive was launched from Chad and Nigeria.

A few days later, Niger joined in.

Boko Haram reformed in 2016 after splitting from IS. With the split in the movement, analysts agree that IS is mostly based in the Nigeria–Niger–Chad–Cameroon border region.

In December 2016, the government announced that the last Boko Haram base had been captured.Footnote ⁴²³

(1) Formed regional alliance against FDLR and a Congolese rebel group previously supported by Rwanda

DR Congo then seen as a secondary warring party supporting the Rwandan side in the conflict

In 2009, a new regional alliance was built as Rwanda signed an agreement with the government of DR Congo.

DR Congo (Zaire) was then seen as a secondary warring party supporting the Rwandan side in the conflict.

This alliance continued between 2010 and 2012, when the regional context again changed dramatically.

On 23 September 2015, Rwanda and DR Congo (Zaire) launched a fresh round of security talks to start ‘a new chapter’ in their bilateral relations.

Clashes between the Congolese government and FDLR in the Nord Kivu Province of DR Congo (Zaire) activated the conflict again in 2016.Footnote ⁴²⁷

In May 2000, the Lomé peace accord unravelled.

The United Kingdom, a chief sponsor of the peace in Sierra Leone, deployed a reconnaissance team in early May to prepare to evacuate its citizens.

The UK forces first secured the airport and then began to support UNAMSIL and the Sierra Leone Army against RUF. They were successful in pushing RUF forces eastwards.

In mid-June, the UK force was replaced with a 200-strong advice-and-assist team.

In September, they successfully rescued British hostages taken by another faction.

British elements then remained in Sierra Leone to advise the Sierra Leonean government and military, to support the growing UN mission, and to send a clear signal to any force intent on renewed violence.Footnote ⁴³⁰

In 2004, the TFG was created, but it almost immediately fell into conflict with a series of Islamist groups.

In that same year, the TFG requested the deployment of regional forces from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the African Union.

The Security Council had previously imposed an arms embargo on Somalia, and such an intervention would require that an exception be made. This exception came in UN SC Res. 1725, in which the Council permitted the deployment of an IGAD peacekeeping mission to Somalia.

While this process played out, Ethiopian troops entered the country to support the TFG and played a decisive role in conflicts, first with the Union of Islamic Courts and, after 2007, with Al-Shebab.Footnote ⁴³²

On 29 July 1987, the Indo–Sri Lankan Accord was signed. The terms of the truce specified that the Sri Lankan troops withdraw from the north and the Tamil rebels disarm. It also provided for the introduction of the IPKF in Sri Lanka. The Indo–Sri Lanka Accord, however, did not include LTTE and, soon after it arrived, the IPKF became deeply entangled in regular warfare with the Tamil Tigers.

The last IPKF troops withdrew from Sri Lanka in March 1990.Footnote ⁴³⁵

The SPLM/A, a rebel group based in southern Sudan, took up arms against the Khartoum regime in 1983.

Chadian troops fought, together with the Sudanese government, in Darfur against the SPLM/A in 2003.Footnote ⁴³⁶

Syria lost territory to ISIS.

On 29 June 2014, ISIS proclaimed a caliphate; at the same time, it changed its name to the ‘Islamic State’.

Russia intervened in the Syrian conflicts on 30 September 2015 after an official request from the Assad government. Russian planes conducted air strikes.

From the outset, Teheran supported several pro-regime militia groups, which were transformed into the National Defense Forces in 2013 with the help and training from Iran.

Further, the Lebanese group Hezbollah and various Shi’ite groupings hailing from Iraq, as well as from within Syria, also participated on the government’s side. These were considered Iranian proxy forces.Footnote ⁴³⁹

Russia received invitation from Assad government.

The ‘Syrian insurgents’ includes actors with different ideological perspectives – from relative moderates to Salafi hardliners (including al-Qaeda affiliates).Footnote ⁴⁴⁰

Council adopted multiple resolutions in regard to Syria during this time.

It ‘[r]eaffirm[ed] the primary responsibility of the Syrian authorities to protect the population in Syria and, reiterat[ed] that parties to armed conflict must take all feasible steps to protect civilians’.

It ‘[s]trongly condemn[ed] the arbitrary detention and torture of individuals in Syria, notably in prisons and detention facilities, as well as the kidnappings, abductions, hostage taking and forced disappearances’.Footnote ⁴⁴¹

In 2002, Uganda and Sudan signed an agreement aimed at containing the LRA.

On 14 December 2008, the armed forces of Uganda, DR Congo, and South Sudan launched Operation Lightning Thunder, beginning with a surprise air strike against Camp Swahili, LRA’s main camp in the DR Congo.

Operation Lightning Thunder continued through the rest of December and into 2009, amidst massive violence carried out by LRA against the civilian Congolese population.

Operation Lightning Thunder was ended on 15 March 2009, and the Ugandan troops officially left DR Congo.

The armed campaign continued through the rest of the year, however, albeit more covertly.Footnote ⁴⁴³

Then Vice-President Hadi stood for election on 21 February 2012 and won 99.8% of votes. However, the Houthis (a Zaydi Shi’ite group based in the north of Yemen) rejected the GCC process, claiming it did not represent the entire Yemeni people, and boycotted the election. The Houthis aligned themselves with still-influential former President Saleh and his remaining supporters, and moved from the north to expand their territorial control. By September, the Houthis had taken control of the capital, Sana’a. The Houthis later signed, but then violated, a peace agreement.

On 24 March 2015, President Hadi requested foreign military aid from the GCC.

Two days later, Saudi Arabia and other GCC states launched Operation ‘Decisive Storm’.Footnote ⁴⁴⁷