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Not Isolated, Actively Isolationist: Towards a subaltern history of the Nilgiri hills before British imperialism*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 May 2017
Abstract
The Nilgiri hill communities have for a long time been the focus of anthropological inquiry, though they have rarely been the focus of historical inquiry that delves more deeply into the past than the colonial period. And, while the fields of history and anthropology have moved beyond tropes of primitive and timeless, our studies of those formerly so-called ‘timeless primitives’ have remained stuck in time. I argue, therefore, for an interdisciplinary modified Subaltern Studies approach, integrating data from anthropology, archaeology, linguistics, and genetics, to develop a longue durée social history of the Nilgiri hills. For the Nilgiri communities, as with other tribal communities, narratives about their past have tended to emphasize their isolation until the modern period. In this article, drawing together data from several disciplines, I argue that the communities of the Nilgiris, especially the Toda, so frequently held up as examples of cultural isolation, were not truly isolated, neither from neighbouring tribal communities, nor from the states and empires of the plains below. I argue that the maintenance of distinctive religious, subsistence, and linguistic practices, despite contact with a wider world, is evidence of an active process of isolationist group formation/maintenance and resistance to other ways of being.
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Footnotes
For their thoughtful feedback and insight, I would like to thank Tom Trautmann, Kathy Morrison, and Kelly Wilcox Black, who commented on an earlier draft of this article, as well as Carla Sinopoli, Sherry Ortner, Heather Walder, Alex Foreman, and three anonymous reviewers, all of whose comments and criticisms were invaluable in refining this article. I want to thank Paul Hockings for a very helpful phone conversation. I also wish to thank Michael Willis for showing me some of the Nilgiris archaeological materials at the British Museum, and sharing his thoughts on their significance. Other early commenters and interlocutors include the organizers and participants of the Fifth Annual Workshop on South Asian Archaeology, at the University of Chicago, in particular Namita Sugandhi, Julie Hanlon, Andrew Bauer, and Brian Wilson; I thank them for their comments and feedback as well. Lastly, I wish to thank my friends in the Nilgiris, most especially Tarun Chhabra, N. Ananthi, and Josephine Raja, who were of great help in getting me settled and helping me find my footing as a young graduate student back in 2004. Any errors remain, of course, my own.
References
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2 Morrison argues that these communities have been gathering and exchanging non-timber forest products for lowland products like rice and have maintained interactions up and down the slopes of the hills for around 2000 years. She has also argued that, though they may appear ‘primitive’ in subsistence and social organization, their adaptations and economies are intimately tied to states and to complex economic systems. This work builds, in part, on her important contributions; see for example, Morrison, K. D., ‘Environmental history, the spice trade, and the state in South India’, in Ecological Nationalisms: Nature, Livelihoods, and Identities in South Asia, Cederlöf, G. and Sivaramakrishnan, K. (eds), Permanent Black, New Delhi, 2005, pp. 49–50;Google Scholar Morrison, K. D., ‘Historicizing adaptation, adapting to history: forager-traders in South and Southeast Asia’, in Forager Traders in South and Southeast Asia: Long Term Histories, Morrison, K. D. and Junker, L. (eds), Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; K. D. Morrison, ‘Pepper in the hills: upland-lowland exchange and the intensification of the spice trade’, in Morrison and Junker, Forager Traders in South and Southeast Asia; Morrison, K. D., ‘Foragers and forager-traders in South Asian worlds: some thoughts from the last 10,000 years’, in The Evolution and History of Human Populations in South Asia, Petraglia, M. D. and Allchin, B. (eds), Springer, Dordecht, the Netherlands, 2007 Google Scholar; Zagarell, A., ‘State and community in the Niligiri mountains’, Michigan Academician, vol. XXVI, 1994 Google Scholar; Zagarell, A., ‘Hierarchy and heterarchy: the unity of opposites’, in Heterarchy and the Analysis of Complex Societies, Crumley, C. L. and Levy, J. E. (eds), American Anthropological Association, Arlington, 1995 Google Scholar.
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23 As compared with the work done by Skaria and Guha in western India and the Deccan, there are even fewer pre-colonial written sources to draw from; cf. Skaria, Hybrid Histories; Guha, Environment and Ethnicity.
24 Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed, pp. ix–x.
25 Francis, The Nilgiris (Gazetteer), p. 90.
26 Ibid., p. 90; Zagarell, ‘State and community’.
27 It is interesting to note that this situation is completely different from the history of hill forts in Western India described by Guha, in that the various Nilgiris communities seem not to have ever occupied them or used them for any purpose. Instead, these forts were only really appealing to various chieftains and kings from the north or the east, who competed with one another to occupy them. It seems that, if no particular king was actually occupying a fort, then these remained empty and unclaimed until another king came along to take them; cf. Guha, Environment and Ethnicity. P. Hockings, Encyclopaedia of the Nilgiri Hills, Manohar, Delhi, 2012, pp. 339–45.
28 Francis, The Nilgiris (Gazetteer), p. 90.
29 Metz, J. F., The Tribes Inhabiting the Neilgherry Hills: Their Social Customs and Religious Rites [From the Rough Notes of a German Missionary, Edited by a Friend], [s.n.], Madras, 1864 Google Scholar, p. 44.
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31 Ibid., pp. 364–5.
32 Ibid., p. 285.
33 Ibid., p. 269.
34 Ibid., p. 295.
35 By the coinage of ‘para-history’, I mean that, from 900 ce onwards, in other words what, in Europe has been termed the medieval period, the Nilgiris region was populated, and was referenced by outside political entities in various forms of documents. But, for the inhabitants of the Nilgiris themselves, mostly illiterate, they would still be considered ‘pre-historic’ and were thought of as such by early antiquarians. It also makes little sense even to use the more recent coinage ‘proto-historic’. The Nilgiris are proximate to history, next to, and alongside, literate societies and therefore a ‘para-historic’ community.
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50 Hockings, ‘On giving salt to buffaloes’, p. 428, footnote 5.
51 cf. Hockings, Ancient Hindu Refugees; Hockings, So Long a Saga.
52 See Metz, The Tribes; Ouchterlony, J. and Shortt, J., An Account of the Tribes of the Neilgherries, by J. Shortt, and a Geographical and Statistical Memoir of the Neilgherry Mountains by the Late Colonel Ouchterlony, Higginbotham & Co., Madras, 1868 Google Scholar; Rivers, The Todas; Mandelbaum, ‘Culture change among the Nilgiri tribes’; R. G. Fox, ‘“Professional primitives”: hunters and gatherers of nuclear South Asia’, Man in India, vol. 49, 1969; Noble, ‘Cultural contrasts’; Hockings, Ancient Hindu Refugees; Walker, A. R., The Toda of South India: A New Look, Hindustan Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1986 Google Scholar.
53 To argue that Nilgiri communities were averse to the domination of plains societies is not to say that they were averse to domination at all, or were living in a utopian egalitarian society. I suggest that they were averse to being dominated, which by no means suggests that people will not take the opportunity to create new hierarchies in which they are at the top; cf. Zagarell, ‘Hierarchy and heterarchy’; Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed.
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57 Ibid., p. 165, emphasis in original.
58 Ibid., p. 166, emphasis in original; also see Barth, F., Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The Social Organization of Cultural Difference, Universitets Forlaget, Bergen, Oslo, 1969 Google Scholar.
59 Dirks, Castes of Mind.
60 Francis, The Nilgiris (Gazetteer), pp. 91–2.
61 Finicio, cited in Rivers, The Todas, p. 721.
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63 Ibid.
64 Ibid.
65 A. Z. Foreman, personal communication.
66 Rivers, The Todas, pp. 604–5.
67 Emeneau, M. B., Language and Linguistic Area: Essays, Stanford University Press, Stanford, 1980 Google Scholar.
68 On the subject of the merits of heterarchical versus hierarchical orderings of Nilgiri communities, see Zagarell, ‘Hierarchy and heterarchy’.
69 Cf. Matras, Y., Romani: A Linguistic Introduction, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004, pp. 238–9Google Scholar.
70 C. Pilot-Raichoor, ‘Badaga and its relations with neighbouring languages’, in Hockings, Blue Mountains Revisited; C. Pilot-Raichoor, ‘Badaga language’, in Hockings, Encyclopaedia of the Nilgiri Hills, pp. 97–104.
71 See P. Kerswill, ‘Koineizetion and accommodation’, in The Handbook of Language Variation and Change, J. K. Chambers, P. Trudgill, and N. Schilling-Estes (eds), Blackwell Handbooks in Linguistics, Oxford, 2002.
72 Even the word ‘mund’ in reference to a Toda village used in all British documents and maps is a Badaga word; the Toda equivalent is Mād, spelled in the nineteenth and early twentieth century as Mâd; cf. Rivers, The Todas, pp. 24, 604–5.
73 Finicio, cited in Rivers, The Todas, p. 721.
74 Hockings, So Long a Saga, pp. 12–13, 30–47.
75 Ibid., p. 12.
76 The chieftains/rajas of Ummattūr figure often in Badaga oral history, as well in written chronicles of the Vijaynagar empire. Because of their mention in textual sources, they provide an interesting touchstone, and clues for dating certain events in Nilgiri history. For instance, Zagarell (1995) tells us there is legend that the Toda were once ruled by a king and queen, but they were displaced by the Raja of Ummattūr, who came up into the hills and conquered, after he was deposed by someone else. This finds corroboration with other documents that tell of the conquests of the Wodeyar (also sometimes Udaiyar) raja of Mysore, who incorporated Ummattūr into his territories between 1614 and 1617, Hayavadana Rao, quoted in Hockings, Encyclopaedia of the Nilgiri Hills, p. 420. The fort at Malē Kotē was also apparently built by the rajas/chieftains of Ummattūr, possibly in this time frame. According to Hayavadana Rao, that same fort may have been captured by the later Mysore Wodeyar, Chikkadēvarāja Wodeyar, in 1677. Thus, indirectly, we have an example of a small fort on the northern edge of the Nilgiri massif, playing a role in the competition and repeated conquests and re-conquests by various chieftains or rajas from the north—see Hayavadana Rao, C., History of Mysore (1399–1799 A.D.), Vol. 1, Government Press, Bangalore, 1943 Google Scholar, p. 280.
77 Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed.
78 Hockings, Ancient Hindu Refugees; Hockings, So Long a Saga.
79 Pilot-Raichoor, ‘Badaga and its relations’; Pilot-Raichoor, ‘Badaga language’, pp. 97–104.
80 Chatterjee, P., More on Modes of Power and the Peasantry, Center for Studies in Social Sciences, Calcutta, 1982 Google Scholar, p. 7.
81 Rivers, The Todas, p. 550; Hockings, So Long a Saga, p. 158.
82 M. B. Emeneau, Toda Songs, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1971, p. 14.
83 Zagarell, ‘Hierarchy and heterarchy’, p. 99; also cf. Zagarell, ‘State and community’.
84 See above, and Metz, The Tribes, p. 44.
85 cf. J. Guite, ‘Colonialism and its unruly? The colonial state and Kuki raids in nineteenth century northeast India’, Modern Asian Studies, vol. 48, 2014.
86 Hockings, So Long a Saga, pp. 147–58.
87 Ibid., p. 182.
88 Ibid., p. 137.
89 cf. Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries.
90 Claims to land are still an issue for these communities in the contemporary world, who find themselves variably in conflict with other ‘tribal’ or caste communities, corporations or the state. See G. Cederlöf, ‘Narratives of rights: codifying people and land in early nineteenth-century Nilgiris’, Environment and History, vol. 8, 2002; G. Cederlöf, ‘The Toda tiger: debates on custom, utility and rights in nature, South India 1820–1843’, in Cederlöf and Sivaramakrishnan, Ecological Nationalisms; Cederlöf, G., ‘The agency of the colonial subject: claims and rights in forestlands in early nineteenth-century Nilgiris’, Studies in History, vol. 22, 2005 Google Scholar; Sutton, Other Landscapes.
91 Cederlöf, ‘The agency of the colonial subject’; Sutton, Other Landscapes.
92 Cederlöf, ‘The agency of the colonial subject’, pp. 249, 251.
93 See Morrison, ‘Pepper in the hills’; Morrison, ‘Historicizing adaptation’; Morrison, ‘Environmental history’; Morrison, ‘Foragers and forager-traders’; Morrison and Lycett, ‘Forest products in a wider world’.
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