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THE THEATER OF WAR: EUROPEAN NOBILITY, CULTURAL CAPITAL, AND CRUSADING TO THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 March 2025

NICHOLAS L. PAUL*
Affiliation:
Fordham University

Abstract

From its beginnings in the eleventh century through its decline in the early modern period, the movement of Christian holy war known as the crusades was sustained by the enthusiasm and willing participation of the European military aristocracy. Despite this, historians have yet to explain the continuing value of crusading and the maintenance of the crusading frontier for the aristocracy. This article argues for a fundamental re-evaluation of the nature of crusading, as it was perceived and experienced by European elites. Rather than large-scale military expeditions with global geo-political objectives, smaller more frequent tours of the frontier world constituted the normative crusading experience for aristocrats. These noble sojourns allowed for the acquisition of cultural capital through controlled and staged performances and interaction with the elites, landscape, and fauna of the crusading East. The study of these independent crusading expeditions requires engagement with an altogether different body of source material than usually is consulted in crusade historiography and a different set of questions to be asked of these sources, which in turn leads us to consider a different range of behavior, including tournament-going, hunting, and courtly life, as constituting the typical aristocratic crusading experience. It was through these activities that visiting aristocrats acquired the precious cultural capital that defined their social status in a period of hardening class distinctions. While aristocracy maintained crusading, crusading maintained distinction, and hence the entire European regime of lordship itself.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2025. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Fordham University

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Footnotes

The research presented here was supported by the Fulbright Birmingham-UK Scholarship, a Fordham Faculty Fellowship, and a Faculty of Arts Visiting Fellowship at the University of Bristol. Parts of this article were presented at: the International Medieval Congress in Leeds; at the University of Bristol; in the Gresham College Lecture Series; and at the meeting of the Northern Network for the Study of the Crusades at the University of Leeds. The author is grateful to Benjamin Pohl, Leah Tether, Marianne Ailes, William Purkis, James Doherty, Caroline Smith, and an anonymous reader for their comments and suggestions. Special thanks to Scott G. Bruce and the staff at Traditio for their patience and assistance.

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58 Anonymous of Villers, De beato Goberto confessore, ordinis Cisterciensis, in abbatia Villariensi in Brabantia vita 1.2: “Igitur vir Dei pius Gobertus in nomine sanctae Trinitatis cum suis militibus et clientibus (armatis in adjutorium, ut seperius dictum, Hospitalariorum, et Templicolarum fratribus) ascenso, vexilla, et signa sua in altum super cancellos levari, atque figi praecepit.” in AS, August, 4:381 (BHL 3570).

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61 Usama, Book of Contemplation, 76.

62 Usama, Book of Contemplation, 144.

63 U. Shachar, A Pious Belligerence: Dialogical Warfare and the Rhetoric of Righteousness in the Crusading Near East (Philadelphia, 2021), 13–96.

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65 Pringle, “Wilbrand of Oldenbourg’s Journey” (n. 33 above), 119; trans. Pringle, in Pilgrimage to Jerusalem (n. 32 above), 66.

66 M. Piana, “A Bulwark Never Conquered: The Fortifications of the Templar Citadel of Tortosa on the Syrian Coast,” in Archaeology and Architecture of the Military Orders: New Studies, ed. M. Piana and C. Carlsson (Burlington, 2014), 133–74; and Montfort, ed. A. J. Boas (Leiden, 2017), 9 and 176–94 (for the glass); and 7–8 and 227–32 (for the Gothic Hall).

67 De constructione castri Saphet: Construction et fonctions d’un château fort franc en Terre Sainte, ed. R. B. C. Huygens (Amsterdam, 1981), 215; trans. M. Barber and K. Bate, in The Templars: Selected Sources (Manchester, 2002), 91.

68 S. Redford, Landscape and the State in Medieval Anatolia: Seljuk Gardens and Pavilions of Alanya, Turkey (Oxford, 2000), 2, quoted in A. C. S. Peacock and S. N. Yildiz, “Introduction,” in The Seljuks of Anatolia: Court and Society in the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. A. C. S. Peacock and S. N. Yildiz (New York, 2013), 1–22, at 12.

69 Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, ed. J. M. Lappenberg, MGH, Scriptores 21 (Hanover, 1869), 121.

70 Evergates, Henry the Liberal (n. 31 above), 161.

71 Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, ed. Lappenberg, 121; H. E. Mayer, “Die Stiftung Herzog Heinrichs des Löwen für das hl. Grab,” in Kreuzzüge und Lateinischer Osten, ed. H. E. Mayer (Aldershot, 1983), 307–30; and L’Escoufle: Roman d’aventure, ed. P. Meyer (Paris, 1894), 18–19.

72 Evergates, Henry the Liberal (n. 31 above), 161.

73 “Cartae et chronica prioratus de casa vicecomitis,” ed. P. Marchegay and E. Mabille, in Chroniques des églises d’Anjou (Paris, 1869), 342.

74 Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, ed. Lappenberg, 121.

75 Namur, Bibliothèque du Séminaire, MS 57, fols. 130v–131r: “O diu desiderate per tot itinerum fatigationes et discrimina!” An edition and translation of the Brogne texts concerning Manasses of Hierges prepared by Wolfgang Mueller and Nicholas Paul is forthcoming under the title Quomodo Sancta Crux ab Antiochia allata sit in Broniense cenobium (How the Holy Cross Was Brought from Antioch to the Monastery of Brogne).

76 Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, ed. Lappenberg (n. 69 above), 121–22 (for the reception by Kilij Arslan II), 119 (Constantinople on the way out), and 124 (Constantinople on the way back), respectively.

77 Joinville, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. Monfrin, (n. 49 above), 70 (§143), trans. C. A. Smith, in Joinville and Villehardouin, Chronicles of the Crusades (New York, 2009), 180.

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80 P. M. Cobb, Usama ibn Munqidh: Warrior Poet in the Age of the Crusades (London, 2005), 8–9.

81 Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Cod. gr. Z. 479 (= 881)

82 Usama ibn Munqidh, Book of Contemplation, trans. Cobb (n. 60 above), 123–24. And on this story in particular, see P. M. Cobb, “Infidel Dogs: Hunting Crusaders with Usama ibn Munqidh,” Crusades 6 (2007): 57–68.

83 Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, ed. Lappenberg (n. 69 above), 122.

84 Usama ibn Munqidh, Book of Contemplation, trans. Cobb (n. 60 above), 124.

85 Paul, “In Search of the Marshal’s Lost Crusade” (n. 31 above), 14–16; and idem, To Follow in Their Footsteps: The Crusades and Family Memory in the High Middle Ages (Ithaca, 2012), 86–87. On the symbolism of the lion more generally, see Harris, Nigel, “The Lion in Medieval Western Europe: Toward an Interpretive History,” Traditio 76 (2021): 185213 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 Matthew Paris, Chronica Maiora, ed. H. R. Luard, 7 vols. (London, 1872–80), 3:71: “Inter caetera suae probitatis et audaciae insignia in Terra Sancta leonem interfecit. Leo prius sagittatus in pectore postea gladio transverberatus, eliquato sanguine expiravit.”

87 Oxford, Corpus Christi College MS 2*. A restored version of the map can be consulted at the Oxford Outremer Map Project, a digital project hosted at Fordham University.

88 Joinville, Vie de Saint Louis, ed. Monfrin (n. 49 above), 243–44 (§493–94); trans. Smith (n. 77 above), 267–68.

89 For the ban of hunting animals at the time of the Second Crusade, see Eugenius III, “Quantum Praedecessores,” PL 180, col. 1065; trans. Phillips, The Second Crusade (n. 26 above), 280–82. For the failure of Eugenius’s ban, see Eudes of Deuil, De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem, ed. and trans. V. G. Berry (New York, 1948), 94–95; and Usama ibn Munqidh, Book of Contemplation, trans. Cobb (n. 60 above), 204–25.

90 Dancus rex, Guillelmus falconarius, Geradus falconarius: Les plus anciennes traités de fauconnerie de l’Occident publiée d’après tous les manuscripts connus, ed. G. Tilander (Lund, 1963), 158.

91 In hindsight, Philip of Flanders’ 1177 siege of the fortress, which corresponded with an attack on the kingdom from the south by Saladin, appeared foolhardy to William of Tyre. In Flanders, however, contemporary chroniclers treated the expedition as a demonstration of Philip’s concern to reconquer a stronghold that had been unjustly taken from the Christians some years before. See Sigebert of Gembloux, Chronographia, ed. L. C. Bethmann, MGH, Scriptores 6 (Hanover, 1844), 416–17.

92 Evergates, Henry the Liberal (n. 31 above), 161.

93 Arnold of Lübeck, Chronica Slavorum, ed. Lappenberg (n. 69 above), 122–23.

94 See Andrew Buck, The Principality of Antioch and Its Frontiers in the Twelfth Century (Woodbridge, 2017), 43 and 52.

95 Namur, Bibliothèque du Séminaire, MS 80, fol. 35v: “incredibile memoratu est divino fretus presidio quantas hostium catervas parva manu fuderit, quanta virtutis efficatia Turcorum exercitus Antiochenis partibus influentium reflexerit.”

96 Namur, Bibliothèque du Séminaure, MS 80, fol. 35v: “Iheroslimitani regni limites eggressus Babilonie, Damasci, Antiochie finitima peragraret.”

97 Namur, Bibliothèque du Séminaire, MS 57 fol. 131v: “Frequenter babiloniis et damascenis vexilla deplicans gladios nudabat, et iocundam ex inimici sanguine maculam reportabat.”

98 Encyclopédie, ou dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts, et des métiers, Tome 4: Conseil-Dizier, Saint, ed. D. Diderot et al., 35 vols. (Paris, 1751–66), 4:502, s.v. “Croisades: s’emparer d’une point de rocher qui ne valoit pas une goutte de sang, qu’ils pouvoient vénérer esprit de loin comme de près, & dont la possession étoit si étrangere a l’honneur de la religion.”

99 R. Kaeuper, Holy Warriors: The Religious Ideology of Chivalry (Philadelphia, 2009).

100 The History of William Marshal, trans. Bryant (n. 21 above), 219.

101 Namur, Bibliothèque du Séminaire, MS 57, fol. 130v: “Uerum quia supra montem ciuitas collocata latere non potuit apparens in montibus Israel, mons ille nouus uirtutum, flos militaris, clipeus David, sagitta Jonathae, secundus Machabaeus, novus Gedeon.”

102 See Paul, To Follow in Their Footsteps (n. 85 above), 91–133; and idem, “Writing the Knight” (n. 6 above), 167–92.

103 Bourdieu, P., “The Forms of Capital,” trans. Nice, R., in Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, ed. Richardson, J. (New York, 1986), 241–48Google Scholar. The value of Bourdieu’s theories of capital has been demonstrated by Jonathan Jarrett with regard to the Iberian confessional frontier in the tenth century, and it seems even more applicable here. See Jarrett, J., “Engaging Elites: Counts, Capital, and Frontier Communities in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, in Catalonia and Elsewhere,” Networks and Neighbors 2 (2014): 211–61Google Scholar. Relevant also is the discussion of the definition of lay elite cultural capital in J. Guillory, Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation (Chicago, 1993), 73.

104 Namur, Bibliothèque du Séminaire, MS 57, fol. 145v: “iam non differt a comitibus specie.”

105 N. H. Nicolas, The Controversy Between Sir Richard Scrope and Sir Robert Grosvenor in the Court of Chivalry, 2 vols. (London, 1832), 2:324. For the case, see M. Keen, “Chaucer’s Knight, the English Aristocracy, and the Crusade,” in idem, Nobles, Knights, and Men-at-Arms in the Middle Ages (London, 1996), 101–20.

106 Jacoby, “Knightly Values” (n. 45 above), 162.

107 W. Paravicini, Die Preussenreisen des europaischen Adels, 2 vols. (Sigmaringen, 1989).

108 For the Burgundian court, see Moodey, E., Illuminated Crusader Histories for Philip the Good of Burgundy (Turnhout, 2012)Google Scholar. For Mexico, see Harris, M., Aztecs, Moors, and Christians: Festivals of Reconquest in Mexico and Spain (Austin, 2000), 123–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

109 J. Ehlers, “Grand Tour avant la lettre? Schichtenspezifische Mobilität im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” in Grand Tour: Adeliges Reisen und europaïsche Kultur vom 14. bis zum 18 Jahrhundert, ed. R. Babel and W. Paravicini (Ostfildern, 2005), 23–32

110 MacKenzie, J., Empire of Nature: Hunting, Conservation, and British Imperialism (Manchester, 1988).Google Scholar